Sultanate of Turkey (1983: Doomsday)

The Sultanate of Turkey is a post-Doomsday nation that arose from the ashes of the now-defunct Republic of Turkey. It is located primarily in the territory of pre-Doomsday Turkey and northern Syria. It is considered the legitimate successor state to the pre-Doomsday Republic of Turkey.

Pre-Doomsday
Turkey (Turkish: Türkiye), known officially as the Republic of Turkey ( Türkiye Cumhuriyeti (help·)), is a Eurasian country that stretches across the Anatolian peninsula in Western Asia and Thrace in the Balkan region of southeastern Europe. Turkey is bordered by eight countries: Bulgaria to the northwest; Greece to the west; Georgia to the northeast; Armenia, Azerbaijan (the exclave of Nakhchivan) and Iran to the east; and Iraq and Syria to the southeast. The Mediterranean Sea and Cyprus are to the south; the Aegean Sea to the west; and the Black Sea is to the north.

Separating Anatolia and Thrace are the Sea of Marmara and the Turkish Straits (the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles), which are commonly reckoned to delineate the boundary between Europe and Asia,[4] thereby making Turkey a country of significant geostrategic importance.[5] [6] Ethnic Turks form the majority of the population, followed by the Kurds. The predominant religion in



Turkey is Islam and its official language is Turkish.

The Turks began migrating into the area now called Turkey in the eleventh century. The process was greatly accelerated by the Seljuk victory over the Byzantine Empire at the Battle of Manzikert. Several small emirates and the Seljuk Sultanate of Rum ruled Anatolia, until the Mongol Empire's invasion. Starting in the thirteenth century, the Ottomans emirate united Anatolia and created an empire encompassing much of Southeastern Europe, Western Asia and North Africa. After the Ottoman Empire collapsed following its defeat in World War I, parts of it were occupied by the victorious Allies. A cadre of young military officers, led by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, organized a successful resistance to the Allies; in 1923, they would found the modern republic of Turkey with Atatürk as its first president.

Pre-Doomsday Turkey was a democratic, secular, unitary, constitutional republic, with an ancient and historical cultural heritage. As a member of NATO, Turkey was involved in the Cold War. Due to their closeness to the USSR, they hosted a major NATO military apparatus, including nuclear missiles, until they were removed after the Cuban Missile Crisis. Turkish control of the Turkish Straits also kept the Soviets envious and greatly restricted their access to the Meditterrean Sea, especially during wartime.

Turkey has also had a long running rivalry with Greece, another NATO country. This rivalry stemmed from the Turkish control of Greece for several centuries under the Ottoman Empire. Later, Greece fought Turkey in several wars, including the Balkan Wars, World War I, and the Greco-Turkish War of 1922. While overtures for peace were made, tensions remained high. The main source of tensions was the island of Cyprus, which almost brought Greece and Turkey to war several times. In 1974, Turkey invaded the island of Cyprus after a Greek military coup took control of the island. This lead to the collapse of the Greek ruling junta at the time. Turkey continued to occupy the northern portions of the island and nine years later, in 1983, the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. The situation remained the same up until Doomsday.

In southwestern Turkey, the long oppressed Kurdish minority was also creating problems for Turkey. In 1984, the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) began an armed insurgency to gain independence for the Kurds of Turkey. This began when the PKK announced a Kurdish uprising. The death toll soon began to climb and this conflict would be forever altered by Doomsday.

From Wikipedia

Doomsday
As for the rest of the world, Doomsday came suddenly for Turkey and enacted a detestation toll. Due to their membership in NATO, Turkey was a target of the Soviet nuclear barrage. The capital, Ankara, and their largest city and cultural heart of Turkey, Istanbul, were both destroyed by nuclear blasts. In addition, the cities of Erzurum, Izmir, Bursa, Adana, and Alanya were also destroyed. These areas were all major military bases or command posts in Turkey. The infernos quickly subsummed the surrounding area. This destroyed much of the Turkish government and military leadership, which plunged the country into chaos. With the destruction of Istanbul, the Turkish Straits were rendered unpassable due to the intense radiation. Weather patterns pushed the radiation cloud mostly to the north and east of the country, which was devestated by the fallout. However, this left the south and west of the country still struggling and suffering from the radiation, but to a much lesser degree than other areas of the country.

The Soviets also attempted to destroy several other cities, including Bodrum, Kusadasi, Pamukkale, Antalya, Marmaris, and Konya. However, early warning was received from NATO radar sites in the northern regions of the country. With only a few minutes, or less, advance warning, all NATO air forces in the country were scrambled. Several waves of bombers also set off north to attack the Soviet Union. Fighter aircraft were able to intercept many of the missiles, saving many thousands of lives. One or two warheads failed to detonate and crashed into the ground causing minimal local damage. Also, Turkish land forces were mobilized in the east and began clashing with Soviet forces in the Caucasus. However, these battles quickly dispersed due to the high concentration of firepower used in the battles, the collapse of communications, and the fear of impending radiation from the nuclear blasts. With most of the military mobilized before the missiles struck, much of the Turkish air force was preserved, but much of the army and navy was destroyed at their bases. Because of this, the military soon began to fracture and collapse as their communications and command centers were destroyed. As a result, the entire country was thrown into chaos. Overall, the nuclear strikes cost the lives of an estimated 15 million Turks. In the ensuing months and years, an additional five million Turks would die during the post-Doomsday chaos. Across much of the country, the social order quickly collapsed and many Turks doubted the survival of their nation.

The Aftermath
After the destruction of Ankara, the Turkish government largely collapsed. Much of the country was plunged into chaos. Communications within were down and the radiation was beginning to spread from the impact sites. All contact with the outside world was lost. As in their previous coups, the Turkish military, lead by what was left of their leadership, quickly attempted to secure as much of the country as possible. Immediately, the highest ranking military officer that survived Doomsday, a three-star general in Konya, issued the now infamous Toplama Order, Within three months, the surviving members of the Turkish military leadership were able to make their way to the city of Konya, in southern Turkey. In cooperation with the civilian leadership of the city of Konya, the Turkish military attempted to recall as much of their forces as they could. On every radio spectrum, the surviving military leaders issued the emergency recall order, known as the Toplama Order, a pre-Doomsday directive to retreat to a single area in the case of all-out nuclear war. All surviving Turkish military units were ordered to proceed to Konya, or failing that, remain in position and secure as much of the surrounding area as possible. It also ordered all Gendarme units to assist in the securing of territory and the administration of surviving communities. The hope was that the central government, once reformed, would be able to quickly resecure control of most of the country. However, due to the chaos of the situation, much of the military was either missing or fleeing, so very few military units were able to be gathered. In addition, the Soviet invasion of the eastern provinces forced most Turkish units stationed in the area to remain there and drive back the Soviets. Communication with the eastern provinces was sporatic and eventually collapsed all together. Many units fleeing from the north in the face of the radiation cloud heard this calling and came to Konya. Other forces scattered through out southern Turkey responded the recall order by securing their immediate area and coordinating with the surviving leadership in Konya. However, very few units responded in this way. Many either did not receive the order or ignored it in the face of their immediate problems, especially in the east and southeast.

As many of the scattered military slowly came to Konya, the military attempted to establish a government to establish order. Many in the military leadership believed they would be able to quickly and easily secure their control of Konya and the surviving province. However, Konya was, and remains today, a deeply religious city. Known as "the citadel of Islam" before Doomsday, many citizens of Konya believed Doomsday was an judgment of Allah and they must now correct their lives to be accepted by him once more. This increase in religious fervor made efforts to control the populous nearly impossible. Due to the chaotic state of Turkey at the time, the military leadership did not have the resources, manpower, or time to fight for control of the city. Therefore, to save what was left of the country, the military leadership succumbed to civilian rule on the single condition that the newly formed government remain religiously tolerant and keep the military in the upper levels of leadership. The existing civilian government and Islamic leaders agreed to this condition and set about to form a new government.

Rebirth of the Sultanate
An uneasy coalition quickly formed to lead the new country. A decision was made to write a new constitution was written to lead the nation through this new Post-Doomsday era. After a significant, yet short, debate, the religious and civilian leadership overruled the military and decided to make the new government a sultanate. They viewed installing a strong leader, the sultan, as the only way to guide the nation through this crisis. However, there would be major restrictions on his power made by the new Imperial Council, composed of the military chiefs of staff, the prime minister, and several ministers of state, similarly to the old National Security Council. There would also be a very weak elected unicameral legislature, known as the Imperial Assembly, that would merely meet to discuss and debate problems and ideas from the people. They would have minor powers and would only be able to pass insignificant laws and submit proposals to the Imperial Council and Sultan. In addition, the Sultan would be reign for life, but could be replaced by a three-fourths vote of the Imperial Council and Imperial Assembly. Despite these major advances in the reestablishment of government, true democratic government would not surface until 1990 because of the immediate survival needs of the nation.

The debate to choose the first Sultan was short, yet vicious. Many contenders rose to attempt to claim the title. Military, religious, and civilian leaders all vied for the title. It soon became apparent that there could be no one from any of those groups chosen to take up the mantle of Sultan. Luckily, it was recently learned that a descendant of the House of Osman, which was the dynasty that ruled the Ottoman Empire, had managed to survive Doomsday and make his way to Turkey with his family. Ertuğrul Osman was on vacation on a cruise ship in the eastern Mediterranean with his family at the time of the Doomsday attack. Once the ship suddenly lost communication with much of the outside world, they docked at Antalya, Turkey. During the initial chaotic years of Doomsday, his father, Mehmed Orhan, had died leaving him as the official head of the House of Osman. He was fluent in Turkish, English, German, and French. He was also very intelligent and had always kept up-to-date with global, and especially Turkish, politics. Because of this, he was able to become a leader in local politics in Antalya, though he refused to assert his Imperial ancestry or even reference it. This kept him off the radar and unknown to most of the leaders discussing the new constitution. Once he was discovered though, certain leaders from all sides immediately sought him out in an attempt to end the row between the various groups, so the new government could be formed. Military leaders disagreed with the idea of a hereditary ruler, but greatly preferred that to a Islamic republic and believed the Sultan could be easily deposed later on. Civilian and religious leaders desired an Islamic republic, but were willing to go along with a rebirth of the Ottoman state believing it would also later result in the recreation of the Ottoman Caliphate. Though well-aware of his current role in these power struggles, he reluctantly accepted the title after he obtained assurances that the new government would retain elements of democracy with human and civil rights. These guarantees would not be implemented until 1990 when the nation was stabilized however. He became known as Sultan Ertuğrul II.

Six months after Doomsday, on March 15, 1984, the new government was officially established and most of the survivors of the Turkish military had reached Konya Province. In addition, many of the basic survival needs of the population had been met. The new government, now known as the Sultanate of Turkey, was forced to impose strict rationing, labor gangs, and massive collective farms on most of the open land to provide for the population. Any violation was met with exile or execution, which punishment was up to the one who had committed the crime. Many of the early ones chose death once they saw the chaos outside the borders of the Sultanate. In addition, the swarms of refugees from the north were turned away after June of 1984 because of a lack of supplies to support them. Walls were built around many of the towns of Konya Province and military force was often used to force the refugees out. However, due to these harsh measures, the Sultanate was able to survive and expand slowly. Within four years of Doomsday, the Sultanate had expanded to control Konya, Isparta, Karaman, Aksaray, Niğde, Burdur, Antalya, Mersin, Kayseri, and Nevsehir provinces. Luckily for the Sultanate, many of these areas had been secured by the local military forces as part of the recall directive. These areas readily joined the Sultanate. Other areas were seized by warlords or were controlled by the local communities. Waves of refugees from the north also settled along the southern coast. Most of the local communities and bands of coastal refugees joined the Sultanate, first as nationally-controlled military districts then as full provinces. The rest of the warlords were weak and had very little time to secure themselves, so they fell quickly. By 1990, most of southern Turkey was under the control of the Sultanate.

Survival
In the early days after Doomsday, survival was the number one priority of the Sultanate. As a result, an oligarchy was established between the civilian, religious, and military elite to lead the new country. The democratic nature of the country, as created in the constitution, was discarded until the immediate crisis could be solved. The state of government resembled that of the socialist government established by Kemal Ataturk in the 1920s. For all practical purposes, the Imperial Council ruled the country for its first six years of existence.

The refugees were the immediate problem facing the new government. Due to the high concentration of nuclear strikes in the north, refugees streamed southward towards the Sultanate. During the early chaotic months, refugees flowed freely into Konya. This stressed the province's resources greatly. Once the new government was formed, they immediately set out to relieve this stress. First, they established deployed the idle military forces to the borders of the province where they were able to control the flow of refugees. They kept allowing refugees in, but only at a rate the new nation could support. Immediately after Doomsday, there were mass famines in Konya as the importation of foodstuffs ceased. The new government immediately reorganized the agricultural sector of the province. All non-essential agricultural production was banned. Instead, farmers focused on the production of products necessary for human survival. To increase overall production, the Sultanate introduced collective farming, which took advantage of every empty plot of land. Also, the urban and suburban population was required to tend to personal family gardens to provide themselves with basic agricultural supplies. Using these methods, agricultural production was stabilized by the summer of 1984 and the mass famines largely ceased.

Also, industrial production greatly declined as a result of Doomsday. Many factories were vandalized or abandoned. The workers often fled to their homes and focused on their own survival. Soon, the lack of industrial products became dehabilitating to the general population. The Sultanate realized they would need to restart industrial production to make up for this gap. Beginning in late 1984, the government seized and reopened most major factories. Former factory workers were invited back to work the plants, or conscripted in cases with a lack of manpower. Factories that made non-essential items were repurposed to make necessary items, such as electronic equipment, agricultural machinery, and ammunition. By 1986, industrial production had regenerated to the point that most necessary industrial goods were provided for, but the general population still lacked the level of industrialization they enjoyed pre-Doomsday.

Despite these advances in agriculture and industry, the largest problem facing the Sultanate was the lack of power. As the reserve supplies dwindled after Doomsday, rolling blackouts were implemented. Soon, only crucial activities, such as agricultural production, received fuel for power. To reverse the fuel crisis, the military deploy special search teams that went out, caputured, and returned fuel stockpiles to Konya. These search and seizure teams were able to sustain vital activities, but soon the need for fuel grew even greater. Luckily, as the Sultanate expanded, it came to control several oilfields that were built pre-Doomsday. Thankfully, most wells were in good condition because the local inhabitants had guarded them viciously. These wells eventually came to meet all of the Sultanate's energy demands, which were greatly reduced from pre-Doomsday levels.

Reclaiming Turkey


Seven years after Doomsday, the Sultanate of Turkey has managed to unite most of southern Turkey. Much of the country is still in chaos and the radiation levels in the north of the country are still radioactive, but in recent years the radiation has decreased enough to allow exploration and settlement of the northern provinces. As a result, the Sultanate has sent expeditions north to explore the desolate provinces and they have returned with reports of the nuclear wasteland that is Ankara and desperate communities that are savagely fighting for resources. Also as a result of these expeditions, in 1988, the Sultanate has discovered the Dodecanese Republic, a Greek survivor, which controlled formerly Turkish territory. The Turks were infuriated, despite the great assistance given to Turks in the area by the Greeks, but knew they could do nothing at the moment to reclaim their territory. This reignited Turkish nationalism and redirected many Turkish resources to strengthening their military, which was difficult due to their minimal reindustrialization. Nonetheless, they would not allow Greeks to hold any Turkish territory for longer than they could prevent. While they knew they would not be able to openly deal with them for many years, they prepared and waited. Later on, the Sultanate discovered the Republic of Hatay, based in Iskenderum, in 1989. Hatay, by all appearances, seemed to be a strong, militaristic state that could threaten the Sultanate's expansion. As a result, Sultanate leaders began preparing for a possibly conflict with Hatay and armed their military appropriately.

Nonetheless through Greece, Turkey was able to gain access to the rest of the world. Only then did they realize the true extent of Doomsday. For the next three years (1990-1993), the Sultanate of Turkey sent out military expeditions to resecure central and northern Turkey. Northern and central Turkey were desolate places in the post-Doomsday world. During Doomsday, the majority of nuclear strikes that occurred in Turkey were in these areas. Instantly, millions of people were killed. After the initial blasts, the radiation was blown eastward across the northern portions of Turkey, which greatly increased the death toll. As a result, most of the surviving Turkish population in the area fled southward towards the struggling communities forming after Doomsday. Many of these communities and newborn states accepted as many refugees as they could. However, one by one, once they could no longer support a larger population, they forced the refugees away, often with armed force. Many of these refugees reached the coast of southern Turkey where, seeing that they could no longer run, established small, tribe-like communities. These weak, but hostile, communities struggled along the coast until the more powerful states in the area absorbed them. Eventually, most of these communities were absorbed into the Sultanate once they expanded to the coast. Meanwhile in northern Turkey, those who remained struggled greatly to survive. Three years of failed crops due to the fallout wiped out most of the population. Large areas of the countryside became totally depopulated. Several towns and villages were abandoned. The city of Eskişehir, the largest in the area, was destroyed by urban warfare between various nomadic gangs, which caused a mass exodus from the city leaving the ruins of the city abandoned. The survivors were forced to resort to foraging and fishing along the northern coast to survive. The area largely became run by bandit gangs, but the lack of any true state or other central authority in the region prevented redevelopment and any resemblance of stability. However, the explorers heard rumors of two relatively stable states further to the east and north. This inspired the Sultanate to push further, even at the risk of obtaining minimal control, in an effort to make contact with these new states In 1994, a second wave of expansion began. as Sultanate explorers pushed deeper into Turkey, they discovered that the northern most areas of Turkey had escaped some of the chaos and destruction that the area of the previous expansion had experienced. However, much of the area was still desolate. Remarkably, there was a group of survivors that gave the Sultanate great hope. The, based out of Samsun, was discovered in 1995, which also controlled much of northern Turkey. The IGA was established in the months after Doomsday to act as a temporary governmental authority until communication with the central government could be reestablished. The military and local leaders banded together to see the people through this crisis. Once contact was established with the Sultanate, the IGA rejoiced and immediately enacted plans to rejoin Turkey, which was fulfilled in 1996.

The expeditions pushed northward with only a limited idea of what to expect. Previous reports indicated that the area had reverted to a primitive near-tribal situation. Once expeditions reached the outskirts of Ankara, they quarantined the former capital and attempted to provide for the small communities that continued to survive outside the city. Some readily accepted their aid, while others attempted to steal it from the Sultanate expeditions. However, most of the bandits were quickly dispatched by the well-armed Turkish troops. They continued northward until they reached the borders of the Greek territory of Thrace in 1995. This was a recently established Greek colony set up by various Greek survivor states. However, the Thracians controlled what was formerly Turkish territory, which resulted in minor exploratory skirmishes along the Thracian border. While nothing ever escalated, the Sultanate now knew the strength of their northern neighbor. Additionally, Thrace was a member of the powerful Confederation of Greece, so the Sultanate turned its attention eastward intent on reclaiming the lands of eastern Turkey.

The Hatayan-Sultanate War
In 1997, they reached the border of the Republic of Hatay, a powerful independent nation that rose after Doomsday. Beginning in the Hatayan capital of Iskenderum, Turkish military leaders seized control of the Hatay Province and established a militaristic oligarchy. They harshly suppressed rebellion in the province and by 1988 were poised to begin their expansion. Using their superior coordination and military forces, they expanded deep into northern Syria and southern Turkey. They marched west to Mersin and conquered west to the Kurdish border. In 1994, they initiated a war with the Republic of Kurdistan, whom the severely underestimated. They were defeated and driven back across the border. Luckily, Kurdistan refused to advance into their territory at that time, which saved the Republic while halting their eastward expansion

In 1997, the Republic of Hatay believed they had sufficiently rebuilt to be able to combat the Sultanate of Turkey. Though the Sultanate had a greater population than the Republic, Hatayan military leaders believed believed that the Sultanate was stretched too thin from their recent conquests in the north and would be easy to defeat in their primary southern territories. According to their military planners, Hatay would be able to successfully invade and defeat the Sultanate by reaching Konya within 9 months. If they were able to reach Konya, they believed that the Sultanate would fall. With this conviction, they began massing troops on their border. On April 12, 1997, the Republic of Hatay invaded the Sultanate of Turkey.

The invasion began in the early morning hours and was able to quickly overwhelm the border defenses. Within seven weeks, the Hatayan forces had reached Karapinar, which was only 100 km from Konya, the Sultanate's capital. The Hatayans had rightfully assumed that the Sultanate was spread thin due to their conquests. However, what they did not anticipate, was the speed with which they reassembled their forces and the large number of conscripts their larger population was able to mobilize. Three months after the invasion, the Republic of Hatay was pushed back to just beyond Silifke, only a few kilometers from their border. At this point, the Hatayan military leaders realized what they had done and fortified their forces for the impending invasion. The Sultanate was able to devote an increasing amount of soldiers to the war effort due to the stabilization of the northern frontier. Slowly, Hatay was driven back until Feburary of 1998, they were decisively defeated at the Battle of Osmaniye, which opened the road to Iskenderum, Gaziantep, and beyond. Shortly after, the oppressed people of Hataya and the Syrian generals rebelled, causing increased problem for the Hatayan government. While the Syrian generals were defeated, many of the popular rebellions destablized the front and forced the Hatayan military further back. In June of 1998, the Hatayan capital, Iskenderum, was taken and the Republic of Hatay collapsed. The remants of the central government continued to fight in northern Syria and the Kurdish border provinces. Much of the still unconquered eastern portions of the nation rebelled, due to the harsh treatment of the Hatayan government, and joined the Sultanate. Finally, on November 11, 1999, the last of the Hatayan military leaders surrendered and the war was finally over. The entirety of the Republic of Hatay was annexed into the Sultanate of Turkey.

Despite the defeat of the Hatayan warlords, minor insurgencies would arise in the area. These would not be completely defeated for another three years. Nonetheless, Turkey was one step closer towards its goal of total unification.

Reconstruction
Following the end of the Hatayan-Sultanate War, much of southwest Turkey and northern Syria needed to be rebuilt due to extensive damage during the war. In addition, many of the northern areas of the country that were acquired during the past decade lacked in development and also needed to be reconstructed. As a result, the Sultanate relocated a massive amount of funds and manpower to accelerate the reconstruction of these devastated areas. The goal is to have them rebuilt to pre-war conditions by 2006 and reindustrialized to pre-Doomsday, or better, conditions by 2011. If successful, large portions of Turkey will become industrialized and productive new areas of the country.

Initially, reconstruction personnel focused on the repair of any direct damage from warfare. This primarily included the repair of buildings, the clearing of debris and rubble, and reactivation of basic utilities. Despite the newly acquired resources available, this phase of reconstruction progressed over the course of several years because of the long-term construction projects that were included. The second phase of the reconstruction process was the redevelopment of transportation infrastructure. The goal was the total reestablishment of the Turkish road and railway system. The final phase of the reconstruction process was the implementation of the Turkish Reindustrialization program in recently acquired territories. This phase was not implemented until 2007 and expected completion is not until 2015 or later.

End of the Millenium
After the Hatayan War, Turkish forces had reached the border of the Republic of Kurdistan, another nation that had arisen from the ashes of Doomsday. They also controlled parts of southern Turkey, which they seized in a bloody war in the months following Doomsday. Turkish military units in the area were forced to withdraw and moved north to establish the Republic of Greater Patnos. Kurdish possession of Turkish territory further infuriated the Turks. Kurdistan, having a long and bloody history with Turkey, immediately began to strengthen their military to protect their borders. Both countries stood ready for war, but both knew they could not entirely win. However, the Turks had proved themselves militarily against the Hatayans and were prepared to defend themselves when necessary. This standoff eventually grew into a minor arms race between the two nations with each seek to expand their militaries to eventually defeat the other. The primary Turkish goal was the conquest of northern Kurdistan, which was part of pre-Doomsday Turkey. However, the more radical of the nationalists and royalists demanded the complete annexation of Kurdistan to forever eliminate the threat they posed to the Sultanate and begin the recreation of the Turkish Empire. The primary Kurdish goal was the defeat of the Sultanate of Turkey and the permanent security of their borders. Due to their long fight for independence, very few Kurds were eager for conquest and merely desired to ensure their national existence. As a result, they began strengthening ties to their neighbor and ally, Iran, as a counterbalance for the rising strength of the Sultanate of Turkey.

Interaction with the Outside World
The Sultanate of Turkey was able to establish contact with the outside world, first through the Dodecanese Republic  in 1988, then through its successor the Confederation of Greece. Turkey was able to reestablish contact with other countries in the area, namely Israel, Egypt, Sicily, Alpine Confederation, and Pais Del Oro. Through these countries, Turkey was able to discover what had happened to the country after Doomsday. Unfortunately, most of Turkey's primary allies were divided and weak. Most were still recomposing themselves from Doomsday. Meanwhile, the United States was completely destroyed. However, Turkey's traditional enemy, Greece, had become a powerful nation that dominated the eastern Mediterranean. The Soviet Union, the one country Turkey truly feared, was driven past the Urals due to the nuclear strikes and now had no control of their western territories in Ukraine and the Caucasus. Many of the nationalists in the Turkish elite began to discuss the potentials this power vacuum could offer Turkey.

Reindustrialization
Since his assention to the throne, Sultan Ertuğrul II had become an unexpected political force in the new Sultanate. When the government was formed, most of the Turkish elite assumed the Sultan would be a mere figurehead that would have little power. Due to his great intelligence, eloquance, and support for democracy, he became extremely popular with the general public with and many among the civilian and military factions. Using his influence, he introduced a Reindustrialization program to the Imperial Assembly in 1998. After several weeks of debate in the Imperial Assembly, which had recently been strengthened by the Sultan, and the approval of the Imperial Council, the Turkish Reindustrialization Act went into law. Institutions similar to those created by Kemal Ataturk in the 1920s were created. They placed most of the Turkish economy under centralized government control. The goal was to maximize the efficency of all available resources for the purpose of rebuilding the Turkish industrial and agricultural base. In addition, capital was also devoted to improve and expand the nation's energy production capabilities. They used what little oil they had in addition to solar panels and wind turbines, despite their relative inefficiency and low Turkish technical skill in this area. The program was organized into several three-year plans with each designed to improve another aspect of the Turkish economy. The first Three-Year Plan (TYP) focused on energy and agricultural production. The second Three-Year Plan focused on industrial development. The third, and final, Three-Year Plan focused on military development and nuclear energy research.

The Macedonian Intervention
Contact with the Kingdom of Macedonia was first established in 1992 after Macedonian naval patrols set out across the Aegean Sea to establish contact with the other rumored survivor states in the area. They were told of other survivor states in the area by the bordering Greek survivor states. On September 3, 1992, they landed on the eastern coast of Turkey, near the ruins of Izmir where they were discovered by Turkish border patrols. Initially, the group was arrested and brought to Konya, however, they were fed well because they were close to starvation. Once in Konya, they were brought before the Turkish Foreign Minister, an office that was minimally used until now, who immediately brought them before the Imperial Council. Before the Imperial Council, the Macedonian explorers spoke of their new nation and the strides they had taken in such a short time. They were also informed about other Greek Survivor states in the area. Delighted that non-Greek states survived in the Aegean, the Turkish government immediately reequiped the Macedonians, supplied them with a larger ship, and sent them back to Macedonia, with an ambassador. In secret closed door meetings, the Imperial Council decided that it would be best to cooperate fully with the Macedonians as a way to eventually strengthen their position against Greece.

Once the Macedonians returned to their country, the Turkish ambassador was brought before Alexander II, King of Macedonia. The ambassador told the King, and his advisers, of Turkey and their ongoing efforts to reunify the country. He also mentioned the current condition of the Turkish military that had survived Doomsday and had been successfully restructured to meet the challenges of the post-Doomsday world. Admiring the strength of their nation, and secretly hoping for their assistance, Alexander II declared he would personally visit Turkey to further their relations. The Turkish ambassador, shocked by this news, immediately sent radio messages back to Turkey informing them of the coming visit. Turkish officials were surprised, but pleased, that the Macedonian King himself would visit. They made preparations and on January 1, 1993, Alexander II arrived in Konya to a lavish ceremony. Talks between the Sultan and Alexander went well and they pledged to further their relations.

After a visit of the Macedonian King and President, a formal alliance was established in 1995. This friendship was seen by the Turkish government as the first step to reasserting its influence in the Balkans. Despite Macedonia's internal problems, the two nations were able to increase trade between them and establish a formal military cooperation. Beginning in 1996, the Turkish military began sending advisers to Macedonia to further train and equip their military. This was done after a request from the Macedonian government to help strengthen their military, so they would be able to respond to any ethnic violence that broke out in the region. In 1997, a Serbian independence faction broke away from Macedonia and established the dictatorial Serbian Republic. This started a massive civil war in Macedonia that Turkey was soon drawn into. With the outbreak of war, Turkey immediately increased its number of advisers in Macedonia. In February 1998, Turkey also rapidly increased its arms shipments to the country and allowed Macedonian use of their special forces against the Serbian rebels. With this assistance, the Kingdom of Macedonia was able to begin to repel the rebels and further encroach into their territory. After much debate in the Imperial Council and Imperial Assembly, the deployment of 5,000 soldiers to Macedonia was approved by a slim margin, due to current commitments in northern Turkey and against the Republic of Hatay. The growing New Turkiye Party pushed for this deployment to further increase their influence in Macedonian affairs. These troops were decisive to the Macedonian war effort and played a major role in the pivotal Battle of Skopje. On December 31, 1999, the last of the Serbian rebels surrendered and the war was over. The Macedonian government greatly thanked Turkey and its soldiers returned home. Once they arrived, they were greeted as heroes, which showed the popularity of the war. The nationalists and expansionists in the Turkish government realized that war was a way for them to gain power in the government. This would set the stage for later conflict.

Conquest of the East
Before Doomsday, eastern Turkey was a heavily fortified region because it bordered the Soviet Union. As a result, most of the Turkish military was located in the area. During Doomsday and the immediate aftermath, the area was engulfed in violence as Turkish, NATO, and Soviet aircraft, armies, and missiles decimated the area. The chaos quickly spread and soon military forces were scattering, fighting each other, or fleeing to supposedly safe areas. After the collapse of the central government, many of the surviving generals in eastern Turkey became independent warlords who began establishing their borders as quickly as possible. Some generals joined forces to become stronger nations. Others continued alone and created smaller nations. Initially, they all focused on survival, but fighting between the various warlords was everpresent. Several warlords joined forces and established coalitions to protect themselves and expand their conquests. In response, other coalitions formed to oppose them, and soon the entire region was engulfed in violence. This violence often spilled into other areas, such as Hatay, Kurdistan, Georgia, and Armenia. Many of these nations launched expeditions into these territories, soon known as the Eastern Turkish Wasteland. However, most of these expeditions were failures and only temporarily halted the spread of violence into neighboring states. Due to the failure of these expeditions and the weakness of their militaries, most of the surrounding nations refused to attempt to expand into the Wasteland.

Beginning in 2001, the Sultanate of Turkey began expanding into the eastern frontier. Slowly, it was able to conquer several smaller warlord states along the border, but was rebuffed by several larger states, most notably the powerful Second Empire of Trabzon. Seeing the chaos that engulfed this region, the Turkish government quickly set out to establish a series of alliances to break up the coalitions in the area opening them up to conquest. By the spring of 2005, the Sultanate had established strategic alliances with several warlords as part of a divide and conquer strategy. These new alliances shattered the existing coalitions in the area as many were lured by the power and stability of the Sultanate. In the beginning, the Sultante primarily shipped arms to its new allies in the Wasteland. Armed with Sultanate weaponry and ammunition, several of the warlords were able to conquer their weaker neighbors or harrass their more larger ones. In the meantime, the Sultanate began constructing roads and railways towards the allied warlords to be able to penetrate the moutains that surrounded the area. This allowed the Sultanate to more heavily arm and fund the warlords in their wars. In the summer of 2005, the Sultanate launched a massive offensive against the eastern Turkish warlords who continued to refuse to ally with it. Several weaker warlords who still held out against the Sultanate surrendered as soon as the Turkish Imperial Army crossed their borders. The stronger ones quickly attempted to form a desperate coalition to withstand the Sultanate. However, due to the lack of common borders and the muli-prong attack launched by the Sultanate-allied warlords, this coalition was ineffective and was unable to resist the Turkish offensive. In July 2009, the last of the indepedent eastern Turkish warlords were defeated, however, significant guerrilla warfare with insurgent groups in the area would continue for several years to come. The remaining warlords who were allied with the Sultanate dissolved their territory, which became provinces, and military, with the warlords being appointed to be generals, into the Sultanate of Turkey. With this campaign complete, all of pre-Doomsday Turkey, with the exception of the Kurdish and Greek controlled areas, were under the control of the Sultanate.

Consolidation
With the end of the Eastern Conquest, Turkey was mostly united. However, after the end of the campaign, eastern Turkey was clearly in need of assistance from the central government. While some areas, such as those in Greater Patnos, were stable and productive, other areas, such as Trabzon, were almost totally destroyed from the intense fighting. Luckily, reconstruction and reindustrialization efforts had recently completed in much of southwestern Turkey along with some of the former Hatayan provinces and major Aegean and Black Sea port cities. Large areas of northern Turkey remain minimally developed, which has forced large amounts of aid to be devoted to supporting the region. Industrialization has greatly increased the Turkish economic and industrial base, which enabled them to begin the reconstruction of the eastern territories. However, the rapid acquisition of territory and the need to rebuild it has created a large drain on Turkish resources. The Turkish government has began to look towards foreign investment, especially from the GSU, to fund many of their reconstruction efforts.

Also, more important than the reconstruction efforts, the eastern territories were still a highly volatile area. Many of the former nations, especially the territory of the former Second Empire of Trabzon, had developed insurgencies. Some of these insurgencies were small and weak. However, others, such as the Imperial Legion in Trabzon, are powerful, well-equipped insurgents that are harassing Turkish forces and control small, isolated areas of the countryside. Primarily, the Army's occupational forces secured the urban areas and have deployed across the countryside to further the fight against these insurgents. Also, the Subasi has been deployed to provide further security and track down the militants. So far, the insurgency has had minimal impact, but many fear it could grow and become a significant drain on resources. There is also suspicion that Georgia and Armenia could be funding some of these insurgencies, which has led to an increase in the troops along the border in an attempt to end the funneling of supplies to the insurgents.

National Government
The Sultanate of Turkey is a secular constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary democracy. The Head of State is the Sultan, who is currently Bayezid Osman. The Sultan retains substantial powers, but primarily delegates those powers to the Imperial Council, which he chairs. He also retains ceremonial powers, such as officially appointing the Prime Minister and members of Cabinet and receive ambassadors. He can also dissolve the Imperial Assembly with the approval of the Impeiral Council.


 * Sultans of Turkey


 * 1) Ertuğrul Osman (Ertugrul II March 15, 1984 - September 23, 2009
 * 2) Bayezid Osman(Bayezid III September 23, 2009 - Present)

The Imperial Council is the primary executive body of the Sultanate of Turkey. It is composed of the Sultan, the Prime Minister, the cabinet ministers, and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It was created as a compromise of the civilian, military, and religious leaders who founded the Sultanate. It both restricts the Sultan and commands the Imperial Assembly. Only it has the power to ratify treaties, deploy the military, and coordinate the functions of government.
 * The Prime Minister is the official Chief of State of the Sultanate of Turkey. He is typically the leader of the majority party in the Imperial Assembly or the agreed upon leader of the ruling coalition. He leads the Assembly, guides the legislative process, and enacts government policies. In reality, he must act with a majority in the Imperial Council to be effective.
 * The Cabinet Ministers are the heads of the various departments within the executive branch of government. In all, there are 15 cabinet ministers. Each commands their ministry and directs their policies. They are a crucial and deciding part of the Imperial Council and must act by their direction.
 * Foreign Ministry
 * Finance Ministry
 * Defense Ministry
 * Interior Ministry
 * Justice Ministry
 * Agricultural Ministry
 * Commerce Ministry
 * Labor Ministry
 * Health Ministry
 * Transportation Ministry
 * Housing Ministry
 * Culture Ministry
 * Energy Ministry
 * Education Ministry
 * Intelligence Ministry
 * The Joint Chiefs of Staff are the heads of the various branches of the military and national police. There is a Chief of Staff for the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Subasi. Each has a seat on the Imperial Council.

The Imperial Assembly is the legislative body of the Sultanate of Turkey. It is a unicameral legislature with 550 members. It retains sole legislative power, but in the early years was subordinate to the Imperial Council in practicality. It is similar to the pre-Doomsday Grand National Assembly, but has been modified to deal with the post-Doomsday world. Its members are elected for 5 year terms from their electoral district. Unlike the pre-Doomsday Assembly, the Imperial Assembly only requires a party to win 5% of the overall vote to be seated resulting in more parties being present in the Assembly. It is divided into various committees and subcommittees where most of the legislative work is done. Each committee or subcommittee dominates legislation in their relevant area.

The Turkish Judiciary is divided into a variety of different courts. The primary national court is the High Council of Justice, which is the ultimate decider on judicial questions. They must base their decision on the constitution, existing laws, and the facts. They are highly independent, though all national court judges must be approved by the Imperial Assembly.

Provincal Government
The Sultanate of Turkey is divided into 7 self-governing republics, 27 provinces, and 15 military districts. A province is administered by an appointed governor (vali). The provinces are divided into a number of different districts. Each province has a government area (il merkezi) in the central district (merkez ilçe), and may include other districts (ilçe singular, ilçeler plural). In all but three cases, the government area bears the same name as the province. Most provinces in the south kept their pre-Doomsday names and territorial designations. Many provinces in the east and north were redrawn as a result of the post-Doomsday communities and states that arose their.

In addition, pre-Doomsday administrative subdivisions, territorial designations, and names were kept. All provinces are divided into a series of districts. The district bears the same name as the district capital (with the exception of the district of Antakya (in Hatay)). A district may cover both rural and urban areas. One district of a province is the "central district" (merkez ilçe); the central district is administered by an appointed "vice-governor" and other districts by a "sub-governor" (kaymakam). Each municipality (belediye) in the urban zone (belde) of a district is an administrative division subject to elections depending on the province. Each district (including the central district) corresponds to a specific area within the province. The area is administered from the "district center" (ilçe merkezi, not to be confused with "central district" merkez ilçe), where resides the appointed kaymakam, the head official for that district, who is responsible to the province governor. Central districts do not have kaymakams, they are administered by a vice-governor. All district centers have municipalities (belediye), headed by an elected mayor, who administers a defined municipality area (usually matching the urban zone) for defined municipal matters. A growing number of settlements, which are outside of district centers, have municipalities as well, usually because their population requires one. These are (also) called belde. They haven't (yet) become district centers because there is one close by, or due to some other reason. A belde has a mayor (responsible for its municipal zone), but not a kaymakam, and depends administratively on the district center of the district within whose boundaries it is situated. At the bottom end, there are villages, who have elected muhtars taking care of specific administrative matters such as residence registration. Furthermore, each quarter (mahalle) of a district center and belde has a muhtar as well, also for specific administrative questions. The designation slightly differs (köy muhtarı for village muhtar, mahalle muhtarı for quarter muhtar) and also the tasks, which are largely similar but adapted to their locality. In some cases, a belde has become larger than the district center it depends on, and a district center larger than the central district it depends on (and many other district centers). One final note is the büyükşehir belediyesi (or greater municipality) for metropolises like İstanbul or İzmir, an extra administrative layer which has at its top an elected head mayor, who oversee a number of municipalities and mayors.

The self-governing republics are autonomous adminstrative areas within the Sulanate of Turkey. They maintain jurisdiction over primarily social policies and some economic policies, while their inter-provincial and foreign policy is controlled by the national government. Also, unlike the provinces, the self-governing republics are allowed to maintain their own militias that act only in their self-defense. Their military forces are jointly commanded and funded by the national government and the republic. They are required to maintain a democratic government, but the specifics of that government are up to the people of the republic to decide.

A military district is a territory that has been put under military rule during its province transitional phase. Typically, only recently acquired territories are divided into military disticts. Each district is administed by a Army general and each subdistrict is administered by a colonel. The entire district is occupied by a specifically assigned military force, typically of division strength. The division is primarily composed of conscripted soldiers, as occupation is the primary duty of conscripts during their terms of service. In addition, a military tribunal will act as the judiciary for the district until the transition to province status is complete. After the situation in the district is stable, the Imperial Assembly will begin the process of establishing a provincial government. Once that government is established, the military general previously incharge of the territory will hand over power to the newly elected governor and the occupational forces will withdraw to their bases.

Politics
After Doomsday, most Turkish political parties dissolved for various reasons. Since then, many new parties have appeared representing the new factions in Turkish society. In the early years of the Sultanate, a Kemalist-type oligarchy ruled the country for several years through the chaotic post-Doomsday years. Once the oligarchy relinquished control back to the elected government, new political power groups arose to gain control of the country. Since Doomsday, Turkey has become increasingly nationalistic and expansionist. Most contribute this trend to the reestablishment of the Ottoman Sultanate in 1984 and foreign control of Turkish territories. As a result, these political trends have resulted in a shift to the right in Turkish polities. Luckily, social policies have not been degradated and xenophobia has not seen any dangerous increases.

Political Parties


The New Türkiye Party is a new political party formed since Doomsday. It primarily finds its support among the nationalist and militarist factions in the government. In the late 1990s, the New Turkiye Party began to win more seats in the Imperial Assembly. In 2000, it became the majority party and ruled through a coalition with the Conservative and Virtue Parties. Once it rose to power, it began a rapid expansionist agenda beginning with the Eastern Conquest. In 2005, they became large enough to rule without their coalition partners. The New Turkiye Party seeks to establish Turkey as a post-Doomsday superpower.

The Party of Virtue is another new political party formed since Doomsday. They were founded by religious leaders in Konya, which is its primary base of support. It is considered the only true Islamic political party. It's policies are generally very socially and politically conservative. There are many factions within the party, one of which calls for the establishment of a caliphate and an Islamic Empire. It has remained a minority party throughout its history, but has had influence on political affairs within the nation such as its Islamic trends.

The Royalist Party are a group of newcomers to the political arena. They were formed shortly after the creation of the Sultanate. The generally support the power of the Sultan and the policies laid down by the first Sultan, Ertuğrul II. While they support a strong sultanate, they are generally pro-democratic and fairly socially liberal. From 1994-1999, they were the largest party in the Imperial Assembly. They ruled through a coalition government with the Republican's People Party for those years.

The Conservative Party is a new party created post-Doomsday. They are an extrememly pro-democracy party with conservative viewpoints on government. While they are socially liberal, they believe in a government that minimally interferes with people's daily lives. However, they strongly support the military and Turkish expansion. They also oppose how the Reindustrialization program is run. They were the dominant party in the early years of the Sultanate, 1990-1994. They have often collaborate with the New Turkiye Party and Party of Virtue to pursue their common policies in recent years.

The Republican's People Party is the only major pre-Doomsday party in Turkish politics. It is a liberal, pro-democracy power that has come to accomadate itself with the new Sultanate. They support the Reindustrialization program, expansive government economic controls, and social liberalism. However, they oppose military expansionism.

History of Ruling Parties
1984-1990: Oligarch Era


 * A coalition of military, civilian, and religious leaders ruled the nation through the Imperial Council immediately after its foundation. The Sultan was very weak at this time. They lead the nation through its initial trials.

1990-1994: Conservative Rule


 * The Conservative Party ruled the nation after the oligarchs were forced from power by the increasingly powerful Imperial Assembly. They instituted wide ranging pro-democratic reforms and fully honored the Constitution. They also began the expansion to the north and west. Izmir and the western coastal provinces were reaquired during their tenure in office.
 * Prime Minster :

1994-1999: Roaylist-Republican Coalition


 * During the years of conservative rule, the Sultan gained more political power through the implementation of the constitution. In addition, thanks to his intelligence and oratory skills, he was able to create a large base of support in the Imperial Assembly, which coalesed into the Royalist Party. In 1994, the Royalists won the 1994 elections and became the majority party, but were too small to establish a coalition. As a result,they chose the like-minded Republican's People Party as their coalition partner. This coalition was highly successful in the rebuilding of the Turkish economy, though they also continued Conservative expansion initiatives. In addition, they strengthened the power of the Sultan and continued to expand the social policies of Ertuğrul II. They also initiated the Reindustrialization program and oversaw the Hatayan-Sultanate War, which resulted in a Sultanate victory.
 * Prime Minister : Mesut Yılmaz

2000-2005: Nationalists Triumphant!


 * Though the Royalists and Republicans oversaw the Hatayan War, the New Turkiye Party benefited most from it due to the increase in nationalism and military support it brought. As a result, the New Turkiye Party won the 2000 election and became the majority party. They created a coalition with the Conservative and Virtue Parties to rule the country. During this coalition's rule, Turkey saw the continuation of the Reindustrialization program and the height of the post-war reconstruction. In addition, the Sultanate also began to infiltrate into the Eastern Turkish Wasteland. In the months before the 2005 election to assure their victory, the coalition rushed a rapid invasion of the State of Elazig, which was conquered only 3 days before the election.
 * Prime Minister : Bülent Ecevit

2005-Present: A New Era in Turkey


 * After the 2005 elections, the New Turkiye Party won enough seats in the Imperial Assembly to rule alone. As a result, they cast off their coalition partners and began to radically pursue their agenda. During the previous coalition, Conservative opposition prevented an invasion of the Wastelands, which was a major New Turkiye objective. Now that they ruled alone, within six months of their election, the Sultanate began actively fighting and support a war in the Eastern Wasteland. Though, to preserve popular opinion, only small amounts of troops were sent in during the first 12 months after their election. However, their popularity was greatly boosted, despite the increased troop concentrations in the area, when the Second Empire of Trabzon was finally vanquished after a bloody battle and the last of the Wasteland was annexed. They continue to rule to this day.
 * Prime Minister : Devlet Bahçeli

Military
The Turkish Armed Forces (TSK) are divided into three branches: the Turkish Imperial Army (Türk İmparatorluk Ordusu), the Turkish Imperial Navy (Türk İmparatorluk Donanması),, and the Turkish Imperial Air Force (Türk İmparatorluk Hava Kuvvetleri). In the early years after the formation of the Sultanate, primary developmental focus was on the Army. The Army was the primary instrument with which security, stability, and order was maintained in the early years after Doomsday. However, starting in 1998, increased funding was appropriated for the Navy to advance its increasing interests at sea, which were primarily related with trade. Also, the country was beginning to trend towards the nationalistic anti-Greece stance it holds today. Turkish leaders realized that they would need a strong navy to compete with the major naval power that was the Confederation, now Federation, of Greece. The Air Force is a newly rebuilt arm of the Turkish Armed Forces. While older planes from the Republic of Turkey's Air Force and those obtained from NATO forces based in Turkey at the time of Doomsday are maintained, no new planes were built nor was the air force expanded until 2001 with the beginning of the Reindustrialization program. The Turkish Air Force is posed to become the dominant aerial combat force in the Middle East. In all, the Turkish Armed Forces has 800,000 total personnel. This is comprised of 400,000 active service personnel, 250,000 reserve personnel, and 150,000 paramilitary personnel.

The Turkish military reimplemented conscription in 1987. All able men ages 20-40 are required to spend 15 months in military service. There are reduced terms of service for those with higher level education or those who are in crucial areas of the Turkish government or economy. This has resulted in an extremely large Turkish military. Most conscripts are deployed for internal security and border defense. Volunteer units are used, almost exclusively, for offensive operation.

As with pre-Doomsday Turkey, the military of the Sultanate of Turkey remains a powerful military force with significant political influence. It remains a defender of the secularism of the Turkish nation. In addition, it is a major supporter and component of the New Türkiye Party. Lead by its military supporters, the New Türkiye Party has began a militaristic expansion for the purpose of expansion in the Middle East and southeast Europe.

Beginning in the mid-1990s, the Turkish military began developing its own military supplies. Previously, it had relied on the left over military supplies from pre-Doomsday. With the assistance of NATO personnel trapped in Turkey after Doomsday, the Turkish military reverse engineered many American aircraft, tanks, and other weaponry, which were put into mass production as soon as possible. In 1994, small armaments production was re-initiated. In 2002, tank production began. In 2006, the Turkish military began developing new weapons, which were some of the most advanced in the region. In 2007, Turkish industry began producing aircraft, specifically fighters, bombers, and aerial supply vehicles. With these new weapons, the Turkish military was able to arm its military properly and make it one of the strongest in the region.

Army
The Turkish Imperial Army (TIO) is the largest branch of the Turkish Armed Forces. It has 300,000 total personnel, which is comprised of 205,000 soldiers, 90,000 support and logistics personnel, and 5,000 General Staff personnel. This is the primary military force in Turkey. It is primarily a volunteer force. At any given time, volunteers compose 60% of the army. The remaining 40% are conscripts or criminals who have choosen to serve their sentences through military service. Of the 250,000 total reserve personnel of the TSK, 180,000 are Army Reservists. These are fully trained personnel who are called up when necessary to serve in the regular armed forces.

The Army has seen constant action since its inception shortly after Doomsday. In the early years, the TIO was primarily composed of pre-Doomsday Army personnel reorganized into a military. Initially, they focused on border security, refugee management, and expansion. Their largest combat actions occured in the Hatayan-Sultanate War and the Eastern Conquest. They have also seen minor overseas deployment in Macedonia. 5,000 Army personnel are part of the Maroon Berets, the Turkish Army special forces unit. The Maroon Berets were primarily deployed in exploration duties within Turkey and scouting parties around the Black Sea coast, which began in 2007. They also saw extensive deployment in Macedonia against the rebel Serbian Republic.

The Turkish Western Army Command is based in the city of Usak. The Turkish Northern Army Command is based in the city of Kastamonu. The Turkish Eastern Army Command is based in the city of New Erzurum. The Turkish Southern Army Command is based in the city of Antakya. The Turkish Central Army Command is based in the city of Aksaray.

Navy
The Turkish Imperial Navy (TID) is the second largest branch of the Turkish Armed Forces. It has 70,000 active personnel, 1,000 of which are SAT and SAS Turkish Naval special forces recreated post-Doomsday and 10,000 are Imperial Marines. The Turkish Navy is an entirely volunteer force, due to the technical experitise neeeded to be a sailor. Additionally, the Navy has 30,000 reserve personnel plus another 20,000 Marine reservists. All personnel are fully trained and growing in experience thanks to limited deployments to Macedonia, the Black Sea, and the Syrian coast.

It was resurrected in the 1990s once the Sultanate gained control of southern ports to use as their bases. Initially, it primarily deployed small coastal patrol boats and survivng ships from the pre-Doomsday Turkish Navy. However, beginning in 1998, the Navy began producing new vessels, though small in size in the beginning, through the increasing funds devoted to it. This was due to the increasing significance of the TID in the Turkish Armed Forces due to the encountering of a powerful Greek state, the Federation of Greece.. Currently, its primary strategic doctrine is to develop a blue-water navy that can match, and eventually surpass, the rival Greek Navy.

The Turkish Aegean Fleet is based in the city of Aliağa. The Turkish Black Sea Fleet is based out of the city of Samsun. The Turkish Meditterranean Fleet is based in the city of Antalya.

Air Force
The Turkish Imperial Air Force (TIHK) is the smallest branch of the Turkish Armed Forces. It has 30,000 active personnel with an additional 10,000 reservists. The Air Force has very few airplanes. Most of their forces are composed of maintained or salvaged pre-Doomsday Turkish, NATO, and Soviet aircraft. These aircraft were recovered from airfields across Turkey. Several former Soviet aircraft were seized from warlords during the Eastern Conquest. The air force is composed of many fighter and bomber aircraft of many types, though they have minimal ammunition. Beginning in 2001, increased funding and new supplies began flowing into the TIHK. Thanks to the reindustrialization program, the existing Air Force was fully resupplied by 2003. The production of new aircraft began in 2004. With the rapidly increasing industrial production of Turkey, the Air Force is slated to become a much larger, well-equipped force in the near future.

The Turkish Imperial Air Force has seen limited combat since its inception in 1993. It was employed for minor scouting missions over northern Turkey during the early 1990s. During the Hatayan War, Turkish air power was a decisive factor during the Battle of Osmaniye, the last great battle of the war. Also, two fighters and one bomber were deployed to Macedonia, under the command of the Macedonian military, which saw limited use in their Civil War. The greatest use of air power was during the final years of the Eastern Conquest as the war came to focus on the Second Empire of Trabzon.

The Turkish Northwest Air Wing is based in the city of Kutahya. The Turkish Northeast Air Wing is based in the city of Erzincan. The Turkish Southeast Air Wing is based in the city of Patnos. The Turkish Southern Air Wing is based in the city of Osmaniye. The Turkish Southwest Air Wing is based in the city of Denizli.

Subaşı
The Subasi, or Imperial Police, is the direct descendant of the pre-Doomsday Turkish Gendarmerie. It is the Turkish national police, whose primary jurisdiction is in rural areas. It has 100,000 total personnel who are deployed throughout the country. Their primary duty is to enforce laws throughout the countryside and suppress rebellion against the state. They see their primary usage in recently acquired provinces where native populations may still remain rebellious. They are currently heavily deployed in the recently acquired eastern provinces. They have also seen limited deployment to the Kingdom of Macedonia to train their internal police.

The Subasi is headquartered in the capital of Konya with regional command posts set up as necessary.

Economy
Largely as a result of the Reindustrialization program, the Turkish economy, by 2010, has successfully reindustrialized in all of the pre-2000 areas of the country. The country's industrial and agricultural bases in the territories it controls have recovered from Doomsday and have surpassed it in many ways. Unfortunately, the loss of the Turkish Straits, Thrace, Kurdistan, and the Aegean coastal territories, along with the destruction of Ankara, has resulted in a loss of many major Turkish industrial centers and some resources. The industrialization is primarily located in the southern provinces, especially those along the Mediterranean Sea. In the north, the continuing problem of a lack of sufficient population continues to plague the area and prevent rapid growth. However, many refugees who originally fled from the north are beginning to return to the area, with great encouragement from the Turkish government. It is hoped that the return of the refugees will restart growth in the region. Most of eastern Turkey is still under military occupation following the conquest of the area, which ended in 2009. However, a large government initiative seeks to rebuild the area and fully incorporate the region into the Sultanate by 2020. The largest exception to this is the semi-autonomous Republic of Greater Patnos, which has been experiencing major economic growth. After they agreed to join the Sultanate, investors flocked to the area resulting in the blossoming of the Patnosi economy. As a result, it is Turkey's primary eastern industrial base and a major military hub.

Starting in 2008, the Turkish government began to withdraw from day-to-day economic operations as it once again allowed private sector growth. As a result, economic growth has dramatically increased. The Turkish economy has focused on heavy industry, raw materials, steel, automobiles, shipbuilding, and electronics. This has been due to the government's focus on military development and recent nationalistic and expansionist trends from the ruling New Türkiye Party. The nation's agriculture has also become export-driven with the surplus being exported to Macedonia, Lebanon, Syria, and Israel. Political decisions have prevented large-scale trade with the neighboring Federation of Greece.

Trade
Due to its greater emergency on the regional stage, Turkey has been attempting to increase its trade with neighboring nations. Major trading expeditions have been sent out to Macedonia, Isreal, Lebanon, Egypt, Sicily, Pas del Oro, Corsica, the Alpine Confederation, and beyond. So far, all of these expeditions have been successful in establishing trade between the involved nations. Thanks to this increased trade, Turkey is once again connected to global trade and communication networks.

Energy
To meet its energy needs, Turkey is developing hydroelectric power in the eastern portions of the country, primarily on the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. While this has led to tension with nations downstream of the hyrdoelectric dams, primarily Kurdistan, Turkey can now supply itself with much of its power, when combined with its petroleum reserves and minor developments of wind and solar power. Additionally, Turkey has made forays into nuclear reactor development, but the lack of uranium has kept such plans to the drawing board for the foreseeable future. However, this energy indepedence has only been achieved thanks to the lower post-Doomsday population and energy consumption of Turkey. To help meet its growing energy needs, Turkey has begun importing petroleum from the Gulf States Union. However, new Turkish petroleum and natural gas explorations in the Gulf of Iskendrum, southeast Turkey, and in the Black Sea have discovered new reserves which hope to be tapped by 2020, and could help offset the Turkey's increasing energy demand. Some ambitious companies also plan to begin establishing geothermal power stations across Turkey, which they believe could provide all of Turkey's energy needs. This plan is beginning to gain attraction is upper political circles and could see state funding as early as 2015.

Agriculture
Due to its relative isolation, Turkey has become self-sufficient agriculturally. Recovery efforts in southern and central Turkey have resulted in a dramatic increase in Turkish agricultural production. The agricultural sector also produces a variety of luxury items which are consumed throughout Turkey and are increasingly exported abroad.

Industry
Due in large part to the Turkish Reindustrialization program, Turkish industry has seen a dramatic recovery post-Doomsday. Initially, industrial development was led by the textile and small arms industries. However, the industrial sector has begun to diversify with the development of burgeoning automotive, electronic, and construction industries. Other heavy industries are also beginning to development with military funding.

Natural Resources
Turkey ranks tenth in the world in terms of the diversity of minerals produced in the country. Around 60 different minerals are currently produced in Turkey. The richest mineral deposits in the country are boron salts and Turkey’s reserves amount to 72% of the world’s total. Other natural resources include coal, iron ore, copper, chromium, uranium, antimony, mercury, gold, barite, borate, celestine (strontium), emery, feldspar, limestone, magnesite, marble, perlite, pumice, pyrites (sulfur), clay, arable land, hydropower, and geothermal power.

Religion
Turkey is a secular state with no official state religion; the Turkish Constitution provides for freedom of religion and conscience. About 99 percent of the population is registered as Muslim, there are less than 100,000 people following religions other than Islam, mainly Christians, mostly Armenian Apostolic, Assyrian Church of the East and Greek Orthodox (64,000 people) and Jews, mainly Sephardi (26,000 people. The majority of the Muslims are Sunni (85–90%) and a large minority are Alevi (10–15%), numbering from 7–11 million. Alevi community is sometimes classified within Twelver Shi'a Islam.[111] There are also some Sufi practitioners. The highest Islamic religious authority is the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Turkish: Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı), it interprets the Hanafi  school of law, and is responsible for regulating the operation of the country's 80,000 registered mosques and employing local and provincial imams.

Turkey is a largely Muslim country. Muslims compose Before Doomsday, secularism flowed deep within Turkey as one of the primary principles laid down by Kemal Ataturk in the 1920s. However, after the chaos of Doomsday, Turkey experienced a religious revival in many areas across the country. Popularly known as the Doomsday Revival, the Islamic fervor began in Konya and, as the Sultanate expanded, spread to other areas of the country. While the increase in religiosity only affected a minority of the population, the general population is trending towards Islamic fundamentalism. The government, however, has made steps to limit the spread of this Islamic revival because it has resulted in a weakening of secularism and a strengthening in Islamic fundamentalism. Politically, this has resulted in a slow, but steady, increase in support for the Party of Virtue, which quietly advocates the establishment of an Islamic state.

International Relations
Ever since emerging on the international stage, the Sultanate of Turkey has maintained few relations with the rest of the world. Currently, they have ambassadors in Lebanon, the Federation of Greece, Macedonia, Rhodope, Israel, Egypt, Sicily, Macedonia, Bulgaria, and Jordan. There has also been minimal diplomatic contact between Turkey, the South American Confederation and Commonwealth of Australia and New Zealand, however, Turkey has largely declined their diplomatic advances to avoid a repeat of the Cold War and continue to pursue their goal of becoming a major power themselves.

Balkans
The first contact with a Greek survivor state was in 1988, when the Sultanate discovered the Dodecanese Republic who had began establishing secure colonies on the Turkish mainland. Through them, they learned of the existence of other states in the area. Later, in 1995, the Sultanate of Turkey encountered the Greece territory of Thrace, which was a member of the Confederation of Greece. Greece, pre-Doomsday, was a traditional enemy of Turkey and, at that time, Turkey was the more powerful nation. However, after the chaos of Doomsday, Turkey was plunged into civil war for many years, while Greece was merely fractured into a myriad of smaller states. That collection of states were able to unite and establish a powerful state that stretched across the eastern Mediterranean, that included portions of eastern Turkey. The envious Turkish people continued their feud with Greece and strove to reconquer their lost territories. This has resulted in a second cold war between the two nations.

In 1992, Turkey established contact the Kingdom of Macedonia. In 1995, the Sultanate of Turkey established a formal alliance with the Kingdom of Macedonia. Due to their internal ethnic strife and tension with neighboring Greece, Turkey began sending military advisers to improve the Macedonian military in 1996. In 1998, Turkey committed its military forces to the Macedonian Civil War and brought relations between the two nations to a new height, which has been maintained until present day. Turkey views Macedonia as a rising power and its primary partner in the Balkans.

In 1995, Turkey was introduced to the Bulgarian successor state of Rhodope through Greece. No major formal relations have been established. A source of tension between two nations is the radical Rhodopan political party, the Turkish League, which is composed primarily of the significant Turkish minority in Rhodope. The Rhodopan government believes the Turkish League of funded by Turkey as a tool within the Rhodopan political system. This is a charge which the Turkish government vigorously denies.

Middle East
In 2000, the Sultanate of Turkey first established contact with the Republic of Kurdistan. Due to their long ethnic conflicts and control of Turkish land, tensions between the two nations arose immediately after contact. As a result, very little trade has flowed between the two nations and only minimal relations have been established.

Shortly after contact was established with Kurdistan, Turkey established relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Though Iran was an ally of Kurdistan, Turkey was initially receptive to Iran diplomatic relations. Since the absorption of the Republic of Greater Patnos, direct trade has occurred between the two nations along their once again shared border. However, it is predicted by many that Turkey and Iran will come to blows in the future over their somewhat conflicting interests in the Caucasus, Kurdistan, and Iraq.

In the summer of 2002, the Sultanate of Turkey signed a formal alliance with Lebanon. Both countries hope that it will lead to greater opportunities for both parties. Since the signing of the alliance, the trade between the two nations has greatly increased.

Contact with Israel was established in early 2003. Shortly after, formal relations and recognition was established between the two countries. Due to their strong pre-Doomsday relations, both countries immediately began expanding diplomatic and economic ties. The possibility of a renewed alliance has also surfaced in many diplomatic circles.

When contact was established with Israel, it was also established with Jordan, which had become a close ally of Israel post-Doomsday. Diplomatic relations have remained productive and cordial. Trade is also beginning to increase between the two countries.

Caucusus
Turkey established contact with Georgia and Armenia in 2005 during the course of the Eastern Conquest. Relations were, at first, low-key and relatively stable. However, once it was discovered that Georgia and Armenia were arming Wasteland states to oppose the Sultanate, relations immediately declined. It is suspected that they may continue to arm and train insurgents in the former Wasteland states and their respective militaries have been arming for a possible conflict with Turkey in the future.

In 2008, Turkey reached out to its traditional ally Azerbaijan, with whom they shared historic ethnic connections. Turkey sought to find a strong partner in the Balkans, and Azerbaijan was all too willing to join with Turkey to further isolate their common enemy, Armenia.

Western Mediterranean
Turkey has had minor, trade relations with many of the nations of the Eastern Mediterranean such as Pais del Oro and Portugal. However, no major diplomatic arrangements have been made in the area. The only nation Turkey has had major interaction is Sicily, who has been branded a pariah by the rest of Europe. However, Turkey sees Sicily as a possible strategic partner and ally against their hated rival, Greece. Diplomatic advances towards Sicily began in 2007.

Author's Note
Do not edit this at this time, unless you see significant spelling or grammar mistakes. If you do edit it, make sure you comment on what you edited in the Summary and Discussion page. Also, feel free to drop me some ideas on the Discussion page at any time. I will also keep my ideas for other ways to take this there.