Invasion of Zimbabwe (2009) (President McCain)

The Invasion of Zimbabwe, codenamed Operation Democratic Change, was a military conflict between Zimbabwe and a coalition force from 27 nations under a joint COD-African Union mandate commissioned with removing Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe from power following years of human rights abuses and economic mismanagment leading to hyperinflation and impoverishment and following Mugabe's refusal to step down following the result of the presidential election in 2008.

The deteriorating situation in Zimbabwe had resulten economic sanctions against Zimbabwe by some members of the UN, EU and the Concert of Democracies, and with immediate preparation for war by the United States of America and the United Kingdom following escalation in January 2009. The invasion of Zimbabwe began in March 2009 and was a decisive victory for the coalition forces, which removed Robert Mugabe from power and installed Morgan Tsvangirai as the new President of Zimbabwe.

Situation in Zimbabwe prior to 2009
Following the chaotic implementation of the land reform by President Rubert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF Party, Zimbabwe experienced a sharp decline in agricultural exports, traditionally the country's leading export producing sector. As a result, Zimbabwe wxperienced a severe hard-currency shortage, which has led to hyperinflation and chronic shortages in imported fuel and consumer goods. In 2002, Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth of Nations on charges of human rights abuses during the land redistribution and of election tampering. Life expectancy at birth for males in Zimbabwe has dramatically declined since 1990 from 60 to 37, among the lowest in the world. Life expectancy for females is even lower at 34 years. Concurrently, the infant mortality rate has climbed from 53 to 81 deaths per 1,000 live births in the same period. Currently, 1.8 million Zimbabweans live with HIV. By July 2008, the hyperinflation was as high as 231,000,000% while continuing to grow.

As a result, popular support for Morgan Tsvangirai and the opposition Movement for Democratic Change increased up to the 2008 presidential elections. In the first round of the presidential election on March 29, Tsvangirai and his MDC won 47.9% and Mugabe's ZANU-PF 43.2%, thereby necessitating a run-off, which was to be held on June 27, 2008. Despite Tsvangirai's continuing claims to have won a first round majority, he initially decided to participate in the second round. The period following the first round was marked by serious political violence. ZANU-PF and the MDC each blamed the other's supporters for perpetrating this violence; Western governments and prominent Western organizations have blamed ZANU-PF for the violence. On 22 June 22, 2008, Tsvangirai announced that he was withdrawing from the run-off, describing it as a "violent sham" and saying that his supporters risked being killed if they voted for him. The second round nevertheless went ahead as planned with Mugabe as the only actively participating candidate, although Tsvangirai's name remained on the ballot. Mugabe won the second round by an overwhelming margin and was sworn in for another term as President on June 29. However, Mugabe retained control and has not conceded the election results that would otherwise put him out of power.

The international reaction to the second round have varied. The United States and states of the European Union have called for increased sanctions. On 11 July, the United Nations Security Council considered imposing sanctions on the Zimbabwe. The sanctions were vetoed by Russia and China. The African Union has called for a "government of national unity."

Preliminary talks to set up conditions for official negotiations began between leading negotiators from both parties on 10 July, and on 22 July, the three party leaders met for the first time in Harare to express their support for a negotiated settlement of disputes arising out of the presidential and parliamentary elections. Negotiations between the parties officially began on 25 July and are currently proceeding with very few details released from the negotiation teams in Pretoria, as coverage by the media is barred from the premises where the negotiations are taking place. The talks were mediated by South African President Thabo Mbeki. A provisional deal was reached on September 11, 2008, involving Tsvangirai chairing the council of ministers and Mugabe chairing a new national security council. By the following January it remained unimplemented due to ongoing disputes between the parties. The results of this election were withheld for several weeks, following which it was generally acknowledged that the MDC had achieved a significant majority of seats.

By January 30, 2009, the situation in Zimbabwe continued to deteriorate. Inflation was at 231,000,000%, and the unemployment rate was at 94% according to the United Nation. There was an excess of 60,0000 reported cases of cholera, of whom over 3,000 died. Despite pressure from SADC, the EU and COD to organize a Coalition cabinet consisting of ZANU-PF and MDC, President Robert Mugabe announced that he would organize a cabinet consisting of his own party (ZANU-PF) with or without support from Tsvangirai. On February 1, the international community demanded that the UN acts to stopped further spreading of Cholera in Zimbabwe. Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga once again condemned Mugabe, saying that his government is responsible for not taking any actions in preventing the outbreak, while Reverend Desmond Tutu says that he will support a military intervention should the UN or the Zimbabwean government itself fail to act. The Zimbabwean government declares the outbreak a national emergency and requests international aid, but announces that they will form a cabinet without Tsvangirai's MDC Party, and that they will solve the crisis themselves.

However, following pressure from the African Union, the COD and the United States and the United Kingdom, Mugabe agreed to a power sharing deal with Tsvangirai, and on February 28 they signed a deal to end the violent political crisis. As provided, Robert Mugabe will remain president, Morgan Tsvangirai will become prime minister, the MDC will control the police, Mugabe’s Zanu (PF) will command the Army, and Arthur Mutambara becomes deputy prime minister.

Situation deteriorates further
On March 5, 2009, Tsvangirai announced that he would do as the leaders across Africa had insisted and join a coalition government as prime minister with his nemesis, President Robert Mugabe. March 6, 2009 Tsvangirai was sworn in as the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe. However, the political and the humanitarian situation deteriorated, and following the swearing-in of the unity government, his announced nominee for deputy agriculture minister, Roy Bennett, was arrested and charged with treason, which was later reduced to a charge of possessing weapons for the destabilization of the government; Tsvangirai's government has exhibited little ability to rescind the charges. Furthermore, farmland invasions by the war veterans have continued, with Mugabe maintaining the land reform policy despite the protests of the opposition.

On 11 March 2009, Tsvangirai was injured and his wife, Susan Tsvangirai, was killed in a car accident near Harare; the driver of the lorry with which Tsvangirai's car had collided was allegedly asleep at the wheel, and the MDC-T stated that there was no outstanding evidence of foul play in the accident. The truck belonged to the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). According to news reports, Tsvangirai was hospitalized with minor head and neck injuries. The next day, MDC officials disclosed that Tsvangirai believes the truck driver "deliberately" drove toward his car, and Tom McDonald, the former United States Ambassador to Zimbabwe, suggested that Robert Mugabe was responsible, bringing up several past unexplained "accidents" in which opposition figures in Zimbabwe were killed on the road. The MDC is reportedly to commission its own private investigation of the wreck. However, following the crash ZANU-PF members again began assaulting members of the MDC, and reports indicated that in the following days, 17 MDC members had been killed. On 13 March 2009, in a departure from previous reports, Prime Minister Tsvangirai said that he believed foul play was the cause of the collision.

Following the assassination attempts on Tsvangirai on March 11, Secretary-General of the COD John McCain followed up on Tsvangirai's request and urged the UN Security Council to vote in favour of increased sanction or, in a worst-case scenario, a military sollution to remove Mugabe. When Russia and China voted against this on March 15, he stated that "once again the Russians and the Chinese are unwilling to show their solidarity with the Zimbabwean people. We will on a meeting on Wednesday decide whether or not to intervene in Zimbabwe. I sincerely urge Mugabe to stop the massacre of the democratic powers in Zimbabwe and cede power to Prime Minister Tsvangirai".

Meanwhile, Mugabe and the security forces under the control of ZANU-PF continued persecuting political opponents, including Prime Minister Tsvangirai's own party. By March 25, over 20 members of MDC-T had been killed while thousands had been imprisoned. The international community condemned the Mugabe regime, and their accusations were further reinforced by video evidence of the extremely poor conditions in the Zimbabwean prisons. By then, the reports of cases of cholera had rised to 89,000 while over 4,000 had died.

On March 23 a Western politician along with Western journalist were allowed entrance to Zimbabwe for the first time in many years, when the Norwegian politician Erik Solheim along with a team of journalists of the Norwegian television channel TV2 visited Zimbabwe, where Solheim discussed the political and humanitarian situation with the Zimbabwean leadership. Once again Mugabe told the international leaders, and McCain, Bush and Blair in particular, that "they could go hang [themselves]".

Escalation and government crackdown
On March 30 Tsvangirai was almost killed in a drive-by shooting in Harare that killed 3 people, including his grandchild Sean, the son of Tsvangirai's son Garikai and his wife Lilian residing in Canada. This occured only two days after he declared that he would investigate Mugabe's land reforms in the late 1990s. open clashes between ZANU-PF and the military on one hand and the MDC-T on the other occcured, while Tsvangirai and his family was fled to South Africa by airplane. From here he continued to condemn the Mugabe regime, and urged the Western world and the Concert of Democracies to intervene.

Following the second assassination attempt, clashes broke out between members of the MDC-T and ZANU-PF supported by the police and the military. While the initial protests arranged by MDC-T were largely peaceful, they became increasingly violent as they got attacked by ZANU-PF and the police. During the first two days of protests, police forces attacked protesters with tear gas and batons, as protesters began throwing stones and Molotov cocktails at the police. On April 2, protesters stormed a party headquarters of the ZANU-PF, lighting it on fire.

The demonstrations grew bigger and more heated for every day, and Al Jazeera English described the situation as the "biggest unrest since 1980." It also reported that protests seemed spontaneous without any formal organization. Thousands of people protested outside Zimbabwe's embassies in London, Paris, Washington D.C., Stockholm, Oslo and Copenhagen in support of the demonstrators in Zimbabwe. Both in and outside Zimbabwe demonstrators chanted phrases such as "Down with the dictator", "Death to the dictator", and "Give us democracy". Tsvangirai urged for calm and asked that his supporters refrain from acts of violence.

As a result, President Robert Mugabe declared martial law at 07:00 P.M. on April 5, saying that "any treacherous protesters supporting the imperialists who decide to break the curfew will be killed". However, protesters announced that 3000 Zimbabweans would participate in a peaceful demonstration in Harare the next day. During the morning on April 6, over 3000 demonstrators gathered in the centre of Harare, chanting phrases like "Death to the dictator", "Tsvangirai, Tsvangirai" and "Give us democracy" while waving Zimbabwean and MDC-T flags and banners.

At about 1:00 P.M., the army finally reached the demonstration and waited for orders from the government. The soldiers had been told not to open fire, but they had also been told that they must clear the square by 4:00 P.M. - with no exceptions or delays. They made a final offer of amnesty if the demonstrators would leave. About 3:00 P.M., the local MDC-T leaders put the matter to a vote: Leave the square, or stay and face the consequences.

At 03:30 P.M., without having heard any reply from the protesters to the ultimatium, the army began firing on the gathered crowd. As Zimbabwean soldiers fired Type 68, AKM and FN-FAL assault rifles and RPK machine guns into the crowd, Type 59 tanks and Type 63 armoured personnel carriers shelled the crowd with 105 mm cannons and heavy machine guns. At 03:50 Type 59 tanks smashed into the square, crushing vehicles and people with their tank treads. By 5:40 P.M. on April 4, the square had been cleared. Over 319 protesters had been killed, with over 1,000 had been wounded.

The news of the crackdown, which was shown live on news channels like CNN, BCC World, Al Jazeera and several others, was received in the international community with shock and disgust. International reaction denounced the Zimbabwean government's response, particularly by Western governments and media. Criticism came from both Western and Eastern Europe, North America, Australia and some east Asian and Latin American countries. Notably, both China, Russia, Cuba, North Korea, Sudan and other countries supporting Zimbabwe remained silent throughout the protests. Overseas Chinese students demonstrated in many cities in Europe, America, the Middle East and Asia.

U.S. President George W. Bush condemned the crackdown, expressing "utter revulsion and outrage", and was "appalled by the indiscriminate shooting of unarmed people." French President Nicolas Sarkozy and German Chancellor Angela Merkel condemned the "completely unacceptable crackdown of peaceful protesters", and criticized China and Russia for refusing to intervene to end the political crisis. Exiled Zimbabwean Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai condemned the "massacre carried out on peaceful demonstrators by the Mugabe regime, and called for international pressure to force him from power". Other African leaders also criticized Mugabe, including South African President Kgalema Motlanthe and Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga, who called upon the international community to end what was increasingly growing to what they meant looked like a civil war.

After the crackdown in Harare on April 4, protests continued in much of Zimbabwe for several days. There were large protests in Redcliff, where people again wore black in protest. There were protests in Rusape, and large-scale protests in Masvingo with a general strike.

On the same day, U.S. President George W. Bush called upon the UN Security Council to prepare for increased sanctions and the authorization of all necessary means to uphold and implement peace and security in Zimbabwe. On April 5, the UN Security Council voted on Resolution 1870, authorizing “all necessary means to uphold and implement Resolution 1870,” a diplomatic formulation authorizing the use of force to remove Mugabe. The resolution was blocked by China on April 2, which was met by outrage in the international community. As a result, the Concert of Democracies declared that the United Nations had failed in intervening in the increasingly deteriorating Zimbabwe, and it was not up to the COD to solve the crisis.

Recruiting a coalition
Following the failure of the United Nations in solving the crisis in Zimbabwe, the Concert of Democracies declared that they call for a emergency summit at the Democratic Council in Geneva to discuss whether the Concert of Democracies should intervene. On April 5, the Democratic Council passed with over a two-third majority in favour of a resolution, which declared that:

"'The United Nations has failed in presuring the Mugabe regime in accepting international laws as well as democratic rights, and thus the Concert of Democracies issues an ultimatum to the President of the Republic of Zimbabwe. Due to the breach of international law and democratic rights, Robert Mugabe must give in and accept democratic rights by stopping persecution of political opponents and accept Tsvangirai as Prime Minister, or resign as President of Zimbabwe. If he does not give in to the ultimatum, the Concert of Democracies will be obliged to function independently to go to action pursuant to article four and consistent with the purposes of the United Nations by military force as according to Chapter 6 of the The Charter for a Concert of Democracies.'"

The Concert of Democracies, especially CODs Secretary-General John McCain, U.S. President George W. Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, assembled a coalition supported by the African Union to remove Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe from power and bring stability to Zimbabwe until a democratically elected government can take power. It was designated The Concert of Democracies - African Union Military Operation in Zimbabwe (CODAMIZ), consisting of forces from 27 countries: Bangladesh, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Denmark, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, France, Ghana, Indonesia, Ireland, Jordan, Kenya, Liberia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Norway, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Sweden, Tanzania, Zambia, the United Kingdom and the United States itself. Although they did not contribute any forces, Japan, Spain and Germany made financial contributions totaling $10 billion, $4.2 billion and $6.6 billion respectively. U.S. troops represented 43% of the coalition’s 70,830 troops in Zimbabwe. Some of the coalition forces were reluctant to join; some felt that the war was an internal African affair, or did not want to increase U.S. or British influence in the Middle East. In the end, many nations were persuaded by the deteriorating political, economic and humanitarian situation inside Zimbabwe and some of the member's wish to join the COD itself.

On April 6, the first U.S. troops were deployed in the theatre, when the aircraft carrier USS George H. W. Bush reached the territorial waters of Mozambique. The same day, the 4th Brigade Combat Team of the 101st Airborne Division was flown in by transort aircrafts to Mozambique. Over the next week 25,000 U.S. soldiers with equipment were deployed in South Africa and Mozambique along their borders with Zimbabwe. The 1st and 3rd Brigade Combat Teams of the 1st Infantry Division was deployed in South Africa along the Zimbabwean border, while the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Brigade Combat Teams of the 3rd Infantry Division were deployed in Mozambique and Zambia, respectively. Meanwhile, the U.S. also assisted in the deployment of other CODAMIZ contingents, especially in the other African contingents.

Between April 7 and 12 the British contingent was deployed to the theatre, while the French, Norwegian, Swedish and Danish contingents were deployed between April 10 and 13. The British contingent were deployed in South Africa, while the other European contingents were deployed in Botswana and Mozambique. At the same time, the Egyptian and Jordanian contingents were deployed in Mozambique and Zambia. On April 10, CODAMIZ was reinforced by contingents from Ireland, Indonesia and Bangladesh. The Irish contingent were deployed along with the other European troops, while the Indonesian and Bangladeshi were deployed along with the Egyptian and Jordanian contingents.

Decision to invade
The CODAMIZ coalition continued preparing for the invasion of Iraq, with a host of public relations, and military moves. In his April 13, 2009 address to the nation, U.S. President George W. Bush issued Robert Mugabe a 48-hour ultimatum to surrender power to Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai or face military action from the Council of Democracies.

The next day, in a defiant speech before the Zimbabwean parliament, Mugabe stated that "The great people of Zimbabwe will never surrender to the imperialist ways of the United States, Britain or any of the other colonial powers trying to subvert the world's free peoples. If they do not recognize the territorial integrity of Zimbabwe, they can all go hang."

Following the speech, members and supporters of ZANU-PF began systematically louting the offices of MDC-T and attack its members and people sympathising with Prime Minister Tsvangirai following orders by Mugabe and Minister of National Security Dr. Sydney Sekeramayi. A decree of full mobilisation was ordered, and Minister of Defence Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa along with Chief of Army Gen. Constantine Chiwenga declared that the "Imperialist will face their humiliating defeat in Zimbabwe. We are prepared for them."

Zimbabwean Foreign Minister Simbarashe S. Mumbengegwi demanded that the United Nations should take full measures to stop the United States and their "Imperialist allies in the Concert of Democracies". In the evening the embassies of the United States and the United Kingdom were attacked by unknown protesters, which were later connected to ZANU-PF.

U.S. President George W. Bush said that if Russia and China agreed to support the rest of the international community in resolving the crisis in Zimbabwe, the COD operation would be cancelled. However, the UN Security Council again failed to show results, again due to the refusal by China to vote against sanctions on Zimbabwe. As a result of this, the Concert of Democracies decided to go forward with the operation. Later that afternoon, Gen. William E. Ward and the military leadership of CODAMIZ set the H-Hour for "Operation Democratic Change", the Invasion and liberation of Zimbabwe, to begin at 03:33 A.M. local time on April 15, 2009.

CODAMIZ involvement
The Concert of Democracies - African Union Military Operation in Zimbabwe (CODAMIZ) is a joint Concert of Democracies and African Union peacemaking mission approved by the Concert of Democracies on April 5, 2009 to remove Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe from power and bring stability to Zimbabwe until a democratically elected government can take power. Members of the CODAMIZ included Bangladesh, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, the Czech Republic, Denmark, Djibouti, Egypt, Ethiopia, France, Ghana, Indonesia, Ireland, Jordan, Kenya, Liberia, Mozambique, Nigeria, Norway, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Sweden, Tanzania, the United Kingdom, the United States and Zambia. While most nations contributed with military units and humanitarian support, nations bordering Zimbabwe, like Mozambique and Zambia mainly allowed military access to CODAMIZ forces. The supreme commander of the CODAMIZ forces was Gen. William E. Ward of the U.S. Army. He was the head of United States African Command (AFRICOM in short).

United States
The largest contingent of the CODAMIZ was sent by the United States. Between April 6 and April 12, five Brigade Combat Teams with armoured vehicles were deployed in the South African theatre. The 1st, 2nd and 3rd Brigade Combat Teams of the 1st Infantry Division was deployed in South Africa along the Zimbabwean border, while the 2nd and 4th Brigade Combat Teams of the 3rd Infantry Division were deployed in Mozambique and Zambia, respectively. The 4th Brigade Combat Team of the 101st Airborne Division was also deployed in Mozambique, and had the objective to cut off the roads leading northwards from the capital Zimbabwe.

A total of 300 aircraft (mainly F-16s, F/A-18s, F-22s, A-10 attack aircraft and B-1 bombers) of the United States Air Force were mobilised to the theatre, along with the aircraft carriers. Close air support were provided by AH-64 Apache combat helicopters, while UH-60 Black Hawk utility helicopters were also deployed, mainly for assisting the 101st Airborne Division's operations in northern Zimbabwe.Around 1,500 armoured vehicles (mainly HMMWVs, M1A2 Abrams and M2A3 Bradleys) 30,000 troops were shipped for action.

The USAF also assisted in the deployment of other CODAMIZ contingents, especially in the other African contingents. In the same week the U.S. soldiers were deployed, they assisted in transporting men and equipment for other African as well as European countries.

United Kingdom
The United Kingdom sent the largest contingent of any European nation participating in combat operations during the war. British Army regiments (mainly with the British 1st Armoured Division) and Royal Air Force squadrons were mobilised to the theatre. The Royal Air Force, using various aircraft (though mostly Tornado GR4, which were used in attack missions), operated from airbases in South Africa. Almost 500 armoured vehicles (mainly FV107 Scimitars, FV510 Warriors, but also a few Challenger 2 main battle tanks) and 15,000 troops were shipped for action.

South Africa
The third largest contingent came from South Africa. Under the command of Lt.Gen. Solly Z. Shoke, the Chief of the Army of South Africa, the South African Army deployed Three infantry battalions, one tank regiment and support units for the operation against Zimbabwe, totalling 8,400 troops. These were supported by Olifant Mk II battle tanks, heavy artillery and close air support helicopters.

France
France deployed an 4,000-men strong expeditionary unit, which consisted of the 5eme Regiment Interarmes d'Outre Mer, the 2e Régiment Étranger de Parachutistes, as well as support units, including engineers, medical personnel and logistic units. The 5em RIOM also deployed a number of armoured vehicles. They were in command of the European contribution to the CODAMIZ operation.

Other nations
The remaining 13,430 troops were deployed by other COD or AU members. Most of these units were engineers, medical and logistics personnel, but some nations did contribute with substantial combat units. Both Italy, Denmark and Sweden contributed with larger forces, including combat units and engineers, medical and logistical support, while the Czech Republic largest contribution was chemical units. Other European countries also contributed indirectly by providing humanitarian support.

Among leading African contingents were Kenya, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Nigeria, Senegal and Ghana, and Liberia also contributed with a large force considering its political situation. However, the leading non-Western troop contingents came from Ethiopia (2,200), Indonesia (1,400), Egypt (1,200), Jordan (1,000) and Bangladesh (900).

The Armed Forces of Zimbabwe
The armed forces of Zimbabwe are composed of an army (ZNA) and an air force (AFZ). The most senior commander of Zimbabwe's army is currently General Constantine Chiwenga. As a landlocked country, Zimbabwe has no navy.

The Zimbabwe Defence Force has an official authorised strength of 40,000 but there are thought to be only 34,000 troops currently serving. 30,000 men and women serve in the ZNA, which has an authorised strength of 42,000, and 4,000 serve in the AFZ. Financial constraints saw the army reduced to 30,000 from the previous 46,000 in 2006. A major recruitment drive was, however, planned for 2007 to replace retiring personnel. There is only a small unit of naval soldiers, the 40-strong Boat Squadron, which is an engineering sub-unit of the ZNA. In July 1994 the combined Zimbabwe Defence Forces Headquarters was created. The branches are Zimbabwe National Army, Air Force of Zimbabwe, Zimbabwe Republic Police (includes Police Support Unit, Paramilitary Police).

The government has been accused by the MDC of politicising the security forces. ZANU-PF loyalists from the liberation war dominate the senior echelons of the Zimbabwe Defence Force (ZDF) and Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) and have vested interests in perpetuating ZANU-PF's political dominance, if not Mugabe's own presidency. There are concerns whether hardliners among the security forces and among ruling party supporters would accept any regime change. In March 2008 the army threatened to overturn the constitutional order if President Robert Mugabe lost the election later in the month. Soldiers were being mobilised by Mugabe ahead of the run-off election between him and Morgan Tsvangirai the following June, from which the latter subsequently withdrew following escalating violence against Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) members.

The danger of ageing within the ZDF has been a cause for concern for personnel planners, whilst HIV/AIDS is also likely to take a massive toll on military personnel and potential recruits. Recent reports have stated that the army is struggling to adequately feed many of its troops due to severe shortages of funds. Despite a 231 per cent increase in salaries in 2006, some members continue to resign or desert. Meanwhile, the Air Force of Zimbabwe (AFZ) lacks a coherent future direction having lost much of its effectiveness since 1999.

Army
The Zimbabwe National Army is formally committed to reducing the number of serving personnel to 25,000, although the authorised strength will remain at 42,000. Involvement in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) up to 2002 and the continuing political crisis has severely affected plans to reorganise the army. The army has already redistributed members of 6th Brigade, an infantry formation that was never properly constituted. A brigade headquarters and six battalions have so far been disbanded. The last phase of the reorganisation will see three more battalions disbanded, resulting in five brigade headquarters, all with two attached battalions, and support units such as engineers available to them on request. The intention is to reduce the Parachute Group, the Commando Group and the Presidential Guards into regimental-size formations, although it is understood that the Presidential Guard will probably ultimately consist of a two-battalion strength formation. The ZNA is currently divided into five brigade headquarters, four of which are based on geographical areas; the fifth is the elite presidential guard unit based in Harare.

The operational order of battle comprises:
 * 1 armoured regiment; organised in accordance with Chinese practices
 * 1 field artillery regiment; equipped with Chinese weapons and including two air defence batteries tasked with protecting armour and artillery *on the move. The air defence forces are equipped with guns and shoulder-launched missiles only
 * 12 infantry battalions
 * 5 motorised battalions
 * 1 mechanised battalion
 * 1 armoured vehicle mounted battalion
 * 3 guards battalions
 * 1 commando battalion
 * 1 parachute battalion
 * 2 Presidential Guard battalions
 * 1 Special Air Service (ZimbSAS) regiment

Although intervention in the DRC conflict was unpopular amongst Zimbabwe's population and many military personnel, the reward of part payment in US dollars of wages and allowances soon had many soldiers hoping to be deployed to the DRC. Press reports that soldiers were mutinying and refusing to go to the DRC and of their subsequent court martials, while correct, were never anywhere on the scale hinted at by the independent press. Fewer than 20 soldiers from different ranks refused to go out of the eventual 11,000 deployed. This ratio of malcontents is acceptable in any army.

Nonetheless, the Mugabe regime's use of the army over the past five years or more as an oppressive tool against Zimbabweans and frequent non-payment of wages has led to increasing reports of desertions among both the rank and file and mid-level officers. For example, Jane's Defence Weekly reported in January 2006 that 2,136 junior officers were believed to have submitted their resignation since October 2005. While the army is unlikely to have accepted the bulk of these resignations, it clearly shows growing unease among army personnel with the country's downward spiral. This was demonstrated most profoundly in June 2007 when the Mugabe government announced that seven current and former military officers were arrested for allegedly plotting a coup; the plotters claim they were only organising a new political party. In late June 2007, one of the plotters, Brigadier General Ambrose Gunda (former commander of the Presidential Guard), was killed in what the government said was a road accident.

Air Force
In regional terms the Air Force of Zimbabwe (AFZ) was, for a considerable time, perceived to be a capable and competent force. Since 1999, however, much of this air arm's effectiveness has been lost. Worrisome developments include the lack of a coherent future direction for the force. For the AFZ, an increase in flying time, timely supply of spare parts and realistic tasking orders and procedures would enhance capabilities.

While the arms embargoes imposed by the EU, UK and US are significant factors, it is the collapse of the Zimbabwean economy that has been most responsible for the effective grounding of the AFZ from 1999-2000 onwards. Other factors contributing to the lack of flying include the near wholesale promotion of pilots to desk job positions in late 1999 before replacements had fully worked through the system and acquired sufficient proficiency. The scale of unwarranted promotions raised concerns over the morale and motivation of AFZ pilots, for it was only after intelligence reports from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) indicated (falsely) that the Rwandan Air Wing had purchased aircraft equipped with air-to-air missiles that the movement of flight personnel to desk positions occurred. By mid-2002, AFZ losses in the DRC resulting from enemy action were confirmed as three Hawks, two Mi-35 'Hinds', two Alouette IIIs, one FTB 337G and one SF 260. In view of recent reports of wide scale disaffection and desertions from the army because of non-payment, the situation for the air force may well deteriorate further, quite probably compounded by the world's highest inflation rate that in August 2008 reaching an official rate of 11.2 million per cent.

Invasion
On April 10, 2009 at approximately at 03:33 A.M. local time, explosions were heard in Harare as the missiles of the U.S. and British bomber aircraft and U.S. cruiser missiles hit military installations and governmental offices. Twenty minutes later Coalition aircraft also attacked army barracks, military installations and supply depots around Zimbabwe, taking the Zimbabwean Army completely by surprise. Special operations commandos from the CIA's Special Activities Division from the Northern Zimbabwe Liaison Element and the British Defence Intelligence Staff infiltrated throughout Zimbabwe and called in the early air strikes. At 02:15 UTC, or 09:15 P.M. EST, U.S. President George W. Bush announced that the CODAMIZ operation had been initiated to "remove President Mugabe from power and install Tsvangirai as the head of government.

At 04:10 A.M. Coalition aircraft attacked the Zimbabwean air base at Thornhill, at which the Zimbabwean Air Force was located. They were taken by complete surprise, and along with 20 levelled hangars while destroying several aircraft on the ground, including five F-7 IIN fighter jets, eight FTB 337G counter insurgency aircraft and three Mi-35 Hind combat helicopters.

Following the destruction of the Zimbabwean Air Force, the Coalition air power returned to targeting military and governmental installations and offices, while imposing a blockade on the Harare International Airport in order to prevent Mugabe and his government from escaping, while continuing targeting military installations and army units.

Ground campaign
Two hours later, at 05:40 A.M. the Coalition troops launched the ground assault on Zimbabwe. The American, British and South African planners intended to fully exploit Zimbabwes long border and its landlocked location. CODAMIZ units were to invade Zimbabwe from four directions:


 * A main attack over the South African-Zimbabwean border. This was to be carried out by CODAMIZ-SOUTH, consisting of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Brigade Combat Teams of the 1st U.S. Infantry Division, the British 7th Armoured Brigade and 19th Light Brigade, and the 4, 7 and 15 South African Infantry Battalions and the 1 South African Tank Regiment. The U.S. troops would cross the border at Beitbridge at the Western flank after which they would advance on Rutenga, Gwanda, Zvishavane, Masvingo, Gweru, Redcliff and then Harare. The British and South Africans would cross the border at the Eastern flank and then advance on Rutenga, Birchenough Bridge, Masvingo, Chivhu, Chitungwiza and then Harare.
 * A second route of attack over the Mozambiquean-Zimbabwean border. This was to be carried out by CODAMIZ-EAST, which consisted of U.S., French and other CODAMIZ nations. To the north, the 2nd and 3rd Brigade Combat Teams of the 3rd U.S. Infantry Division, supported by troop contingents from Ethiopia, Liberia, Kenya, Tanzania, Mozambique and Ireland, would cross the border and then advance on Mutoko and then Harare. In the middle, the French 5eme Regiment Interarmes d'Outre Mer and 2e Régiment Étranger de Parachutistes supported by Norwegian, Danish, Swedish Djibouti troop contingents, would cross the border at Murare and then advance on Nyazure, Rusape and then on Harare. To the south, Bangladeshi, Indonesian, Egyptian and Jordanian troops would cross the border at and then advance southwards through Hot Springs towards Birchenough Bridge, where they would join up with the British and South African elements of CODAMIZ-SOUTH.
 * To the north, the 3rd Brigade Combat Team of the 3rd U.S. Infantry Division would cross the border at Chirundu and Kariba and then advance southwards through Makuti towards Karoi, in order to prevent the Zimbabwean leadership to escape northwards and to distract any Zimbabwean military forces there. Then the advance should continue through Chinhoyi towards Harare.

The U.S. forces' southern offensive
The southern offensive began at 05:40 A.M. when elements of the 1st Special Forces Operational Detachment-Delta (Delta Force) crossed the South African-Zimbabwean border and seized the border crossings at Beitbrirdge. After half an hour of engaging, the 1st and 3rd Brigade Combat Teams of the 1st U.S. Infantry Division began pouring into Zimbabwe.

The first objective of the 1st U.S. Infantry Division was to capture the border town of Beitbrirdge. Shortly after the U.S. forces had crossed the border they ran into elements of two companies of the Zimbabwean Army, having been deployed at the border the week before. Consisting of 350 men, they were only equipped with small arms and a few RPG-7 anti-tank weapons, their ammunition supplies were low, and morale was insufficient. However, through fierce house-to-house close combat the U.S. forces had to advance slowly through the streets of the border town. After eight hours of fighting the Zimbabwean soldier's ammunition supplies had ran out, as the armoured elements of the 1st Brigade Combat Team had advanced around the town's flanks and rendezvoused at the town's airfield 2 km north of the town. Subsequently the remaining Zimbabwean soldiers capitulated to the Americans. The battle had cost the lives of 147 Zimbabwean soldiers while the U.S. had suffered 15 killed and 67 wounded.

After regrouping the 1st U.S. Infantry Division began the advance northwards into Zimbabwe. Without meeting any resistance, they advanced over 70 km withing a day, and in the night of April 16-17 they were around 10 km outside of the settlement of Makado, where another Zimbabwean infantry company had assembled to put up some resistance against the advancing U.S. forces. In preparation of the assault on the settlement five AH-64D combat helicopters were dispatched to soften the Zimbabwean positions at 10:00 A.M., and the air assualt took the Zimbabweans completely suprise, who lacked any heavy weapons to engage the helicopters. At noon the U.S. forces initiated a pincer-movement, where U.S. soldiers of the 1st Brigade Combat Team engaged the Zimbabwean positions head-on by machine gun and mortar fire while M1A2 Abrams tanks of the 3rd Brigade Combat Team flanked the Zimbabwean and rendezvoused five kilometres northwest of Makado, where they began engaging the Zimbabwean soldiers from the rear. Seeing that further resistance was futile, the Zimbabwean soldiers capitulated after one hour, having suffered 61 casualties with no U.S. losses.

The U.S. advance continued later that afternoon, persuing the retreating Zimbabwean soldiers to West Nicholson. Here they again attempted setting up defensive positions against the advancing forces, but before they had had any chance of preparations they were engaged by the forward elements of the 1st Brigade Combat Team at 08:00 P.M. After 20 minutes of fighting and 36 killed they had to withdraw westwards to Gwanda, where the remaining 203 soldiers joined up with 300 ZANU-PF loyalists to set up a line of defences around the town and the road leading northwards to Esigodini.

At 08:00 A.M. on April 18 the 1st and 3rd Brigade Combat Teams began the assault on Gwanda, supported by AH-64D combat helicopters and A-10 Thunderbolt II close support aircraft. While the air force destroyed any transport vehicles and heavy equipment on the ground, the M1A2 tanks of the 1st Brigade Combat Team engaged the Zimbabwean soldiers while the 3rd Brigade Combat Team advanced northwards to circumvent the town and attack it from the north. However, while the infantry company's positions were overrun and began retreating northwards after one hour of fighting, the 300 ZANU-PF loyalists continued the fight, and after two hours of additionl fighting over 250 of them had been killed; the remaining had retreated northwards. Again, the U.S. forces had suffered only light casualites in form of 34 wounded.

The advance then continued, and by the evening of April 19 they had advanced over 80 kilometeres and were now outside of Esigodini. Here the remaining 50 ZANU-PF militiamen along with 73 army soldiers were preparing for a final stance against the U.S. forces. Their ammunition supplies were almost depleted, the morale among the soldiers were low (however they were pushed to fight by the ZANU-PF), and lacked heavy equipment. As a result, they had to prepare Molotov cocktails and booby trap buildings.

The next morning the U.S. forces launched the assault on the settlement. Resistance was fierce, and after three hours og heavy fighting they cut of the Zimbabwean soldier's route of retreat in a pincer movement. After an additional hour of fighting they had lost 87 men; the remaining 36 capitulated to the Americans. While the U.S. soldiers only suffered 20 wounded in the assault, five soldiers were killed when they entered a booby trapped building. As a result, they interrogated all of the ZANU-PF loyalists to name all of the buildings that had been booby trapped.

Later that evening they continued the advance northwards, and at 04:00 P.M. on April 20 they rendezvoused with the elements having advanced from the west through Bulawayo, thus linking the western and southern invasion forces before continuing towards Gweru.

Battles of Redcliff and Kwe Kwe


The battle was a decisive victory for the CODAMIZ forces. During the battle, only two Abrams tanks were hit by direct fire and disabled; none were destroyed. On the other hand, the U.S. forces managed to destroy 28 Zimbabwean tanks (mostly Type 69s and old, outdated Type 59s) and 109 armored vehicles (67 EE-9 Casacavels, 21 Type 63s and 21 BTR-50s) as well as several army trucks and artillery pieces (D-30s and Type 60s). Ten of the Zimbabwean tanks were eliminated by six U.S. AH-64 Apaches from 5 km away at night and by U.S. Air Force A-10 Thunderbolt IIs.

628 Zimbabwean soldiers had been killed during the battle while 1,200 had been wounded. The 51st Infantry Battalion's strength had been reduced to 37%, while the 52nd Infantry Battalion had been reduced to 51% of its original strength. The Mechanized Brigade had lost over 80% of its operational strength. 38 U.S. soldiers had been killed during the battle, while 127 had been wounded.

Battle of Harare
The Invasion was led by the 1st Brigade Combat Team of the 1st U.S. Infantry Division and the 2nd and 3rd Brigade Combat Teams of the 3rd U.S. Infantry Division, supported by M1A2 Abrams tanks, M2 Bradley fighting vehicles and HMMWV armored vehicles. The invasion of the city commenced two days after CODAMIZ forces had secured the Harare airport.

On April 28, the 1st Battalion, 63rd Armor Regiment and the 1st Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment of the 2nd Brigade Combat Team supported by The Royal Scots Dragoon Guards and the 7 South African Infantry Battalion assaulted the Harare International Airport located south of the city. Here they encountered elements of the Presidential Guard and an infantry battalion supported by six entrenched Type 59 main battle tanks. Resistance was fierce, but after eight hours of fighting the overwhelming pressure broke the Zimbabwean defences. By the end of the day, all Type 59 tanks had been destroyed along with 238 soldiers killed. Coalition losses totalled eigthy dead, sixty wounded and a damaged M1A2 Abrams and Challenger II. As the Coalition forces searched the airport, U.S. soldiers found the dead body of Brigadier-General Douglas Nyikayaramba, the commander of the 2nd Zimbabwean Brigade. He thus became the highest-ranking officer to be confirmed dead.

The day after, the tanks of the 1st Battalion, 63rd Armor Regiment and 1st Battalion, 18th Infantry Regiment sent limited tank raids into the heart of Harare. Here Americansoldiers battled Zimbabwean forces in heavy street fights, and elements of the 1st Battalion Welsh Guards were sent in to support them. Meanwhile, the CODAMIZ coalition forces continued strengthening their grip on Harare while engaging random pockets of opposition, mainly by ZANU-PF loyalists and army elements. On May 1, satellite channels broadcasted the besieged Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe among cheering crowds, most of them ZANU-PF loyalists, as the U.S.-led troops pushed the capital city. This impromptu walkabout was probably his last and his reasons for doing so are still unclear. It is possible that he wished to take what he thought might be his last opportunity to greet his people as their president. He was accompanied by bodyguards and other loyal supporters including his personal secretary, Gen. Constantine Chiwenga (Commander of the Defence Forces) and Emmerson D. Mnangagwa (Minister of Defence). To the crowd he declared that "The great people of Zimbabwe will never surrender to the imperialist devils nor the traitors of Tsvangirai. The world is on our side, and we will fight to the death to defend our independence." After the walkabout Mugabe returned to his residence.

On May 2 the CODAMIZ forces continued the advance towards the city center of Harare. By noon, Coalition forces had secured vital complexes in Harare's CBD, and U.S. and British forces were by 04:00 P.M. only 500 metres from the Zimbabwean Parliament. After heavy fighting, Lieutenant Colonel Rupert Thorneloe and the 1st Battalion Welsh Guards had completely surrounded the Presidential Residence of Robert Mugabe by 07:00 P.M., and were by 08:20 P.M. reinforced by U.S. soldiers of the 1st Battalion, 75th Ranger Regiment.

At 8:00 P.M. local time, President Bush issued Mugabe loyalist an ultimatum during a televised adress, in which they could either "surrender or face death". If Mugabe and his leadership had not capitulated by noon on May 3, the CODAMIZ forces would eliminate all remaining elements of the Mugabe regime. However, when the deadline had expired without any response from the Mugabe regime, the forward elements of the CODAMIZ forces were given orders to seize the Zimbabwean Parliament and the Presidential Residence.

At 12:20 P.M. U.S., British and South African forces began the assault on the Zimbabwean Parliament. Participating in the assault was the 2nd Battalion, The Royal Anglian Regiment, the 2nd Battalion, 7th Infantry Regiment and the 4 South African Infantry Battalion. The CODAMIZ soldiers fought a fierce four-hour battle as they came under fire from rocket-propelled grenades, mortars, heavy machine guns and assault rifles. Two U.S. soldiers, two British and three South African soldier was killed and more than 60 were wounded as they managed to seize control of the ground around the Parliament building. At the same time, they assaulted the headquarters of the Central Intelligence Organisation. Also here they encountered heavy resistance from ZANU-PF loyalists and other security forces, and only after two hours of clearing room for room, they had completely secured the complex. During the firefight, Happyton Bonyongwe, director general of the CIO, was killed by British soldiers, and 200 metres from the complex Dr. Sydney Sekeramayi, the Minister of National Security, was captured by U.S. soldiers as he tried to escape the British soldiers.

At 04:00 P.M. 200 soldiers of the 2nd Battalion, 7th Infantry Regiment and the 2nd Battalion, The Royal Anglian Regiment entered the parliament building and cleared the complex room by room for ZANU-PF members and Zimbabwean soldiers fighting to their death. As they reached the main chamber they were met by heavy fire from assault rifles, but the room was cleared after tossing a hand grenade inside it. Within the room the U.S. soldiers found the dead bodies of Trust Kenneth Maposa (Secretary for Defence) and Joseph Msika (Vice President of Zimbabwe). After one hour of heavy fighting the Parliament had thus been cleared for Mugabe loyalists.

The Presidential Residence, also called the State House, housing President Robert Mugabe as well as Minister of Defence Emmerson D. Mnangagwa and Gen. Constantine Chiwenga, was the final objective of the CODAMIZ forces. At a ceremony at the State House, Mugabe named Gen. Constantine Chiwenga as his successor.

At 07:00 P.M., with gunfire and explosions clearly audible in the background, Mugabe gave his farewell speech to Zimbabweans on live radio and live television, speaking of his love for Zimbabwe and calling upon the downfall of Western Imperialism and Colonialism. He stated that his commitment to Zimbabwe did not allow him to take an easy way out and be used as a propaganda tool by those he called "traitors" (supporters of Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC-T), clearly implying he intended to fight to the end.

At 11:00 P.M. on May 3, Lt.Col. Thorneloe personally led the assault on the State House, but as the 1st Battalion Welsh Guards and the 1st Battalion, 75th Ranger Regiment attempted to sneak inside the State House they faced heavy resistance from soldiers of the Presidential Guard armed with rocket-propelled grenades, mortars, heavy machine guns and assault rifles. During the assault on the compound itself five U.S. soldiers and three British soldiers were killed, and by 03:30 A.M. they had secured the courtyard. Five minutes later the U.S. Rangers stormed the building, followed by the British soldiers. The cleared the building room by room as they encountered fanatic Guardists. During the assault Lt.Col. Thorneloe was injuring in the shoulder and the leg by gunshots, but refused to withdraw from the fighting. At 03:43 A.M. Brig.Gen. Armstrong Gunda, the Head of the Presidential Guard, was shot and killed by British soldiers. As the Rangers continued through the building, they finally reached Mugabe's office, but were fired upon by Guardist guarding it. As the U.S. Rangers entered the room, they found the dead body of Robert Mugabe with a gunshot on his right temple. According to initial observations by U.S. Rangers and Lt.Col. Thorneloe, he had committed suicide by shooting himself with a golden Makarov PM semi-automatic pistol, which was found close to the body. This claim was later supported by non-partisan investigators later on. However, neither Mnangagwa nor Gen. Chiwenga were located at the State House.

Two hours later the news of Mugabe's death reached both the people of Zimbabwe and international news agencies, but there was still wide confusion in the early hours of May 4. At 09:20 A.M. Gen. Chiwenga, having succeeded Mugabe as president, announced that "our great leader, President Robert Gabriel Mugabe, was killed last night while fighting off the Imperialist invaders. We will honour his legacy by fighting to the end."

While most remaining Zimbabwean soldiers now surrendered to CODAMIZ soldiers or to armed supporters of the Movement for Democratic Change — Tsvangirai, small pockets continued to fight the CODAMIZ forces. By late afternoon on May 4 the last shots were fired in resistance to the CODAMIZ forces in Harare. One American soldier was killed at noon while clearing a final ZANU-PF stronghold.

Capitulation
As the last ZANU-PF and military stronghold were being cleared by CODAMIZ forces in Harare, the final elements of the Mugabe regime were eliminated or captured. At 01:36 P.M., Gen. Constantine Chiwenga was killed in a firefight between U.S. soldiers and Zimbabwean soldiers at a checkpoint as he attempted to escape Harare. At 02:15 P.M., a joint delegation led by Minister of Defence Emmerson D. Mnangagwa and Lt.Gen. Phillip Velario Sibanda (CO of Zimbabwe National Army) met with the Supreme Commander of the CODAMIZ Operation, General William E. Ward, as well as the Commanders of the U.S., British, South African and French forces.

At 06:00 P.M. General Ward announced in a televised press conference that Robert Mugabe had committed suicide during a firefight with CODAMIZ forces, and that the Mugabe regime had capitulated to CODAMIZ forces.

Zimbabwean parliamentary election, 2009

 * Main article: Zimbabwean parliamentary election, 2009