228-278 CE (Superpowers)

''As news spread of the death of its Caesar, the empire erupted into a chorus of grieving. The Senate characterized Sulla's death as a tragedy for Rome. His reign had brought the empire into an age of unbridled prosperity, unseen since the time of Augustus. Through health care reform, Sulla distributed the wealth and power inherited from his father to the public. Feeling his time at an end, the old emperor had fervently recommended his son, Marcus, to the Senate. Sulla's earnest support eased the transition but the new emperor would have to prove himself before he would merit the enthusiasm of his people.''

Economic development (228-240)
As Sulla had decreed, the gift of a donative to the Praetorian Guard on the ascension of a new emperor was not continued. Normally, this monetary gift was required to garner the loyalty of the guardsmen but the Plautian Reforms of the guard ensured that this would no longer be necessary. Nevertheless, it is a testament to the loyalty of the guards to the dead emperor that none objected. Nor was a congiarium offered to citizens of Rome. Instead, Caesar Marcus' first action was to send an aedile to create bank accounts on the imperial purse that would devote any interest gained to continuous urban evelopment in Rome.

First of these development programs was the quisquilia comparata collegium (rubbish collection guild), a unification and expansion of the operations of street cleaners. Added to their daily tasks were the dirty jobs of unclogging drains, cleaning the insides of the cloaca maxima (great sewer), and removing rubbish from gardens with sharp sticks. Dozens of slaves had to be recruited for this expanded city service at minor cost to the government. Any yearly payments in the future were covered by the interest gained on those bank accounts created by Marcus. As a result, Rome regained some of the beauty that had been lost over the last two centuries of urban growth. There were significant improvements to city cleanliness under the new initiative. The sewers began to function more effectively and the streets became less clogged with cloth, dead animals, and other refuse.

Senators noticed not only an increase in the productivity and pacificity of the general populace but were distinctly aware of their own greater enjoyment of Rome. Marcus was lauded for his efforts. Rubbish collecting collegia were formed by the Senate in other major cities: Londinium in 232, Lugdunum in 235, Eboracum in 241, Neapolis in 247, Jerusalem in 253, Alexandria in 257, and finally Carthage in 271. Later emperors eventually expanded the guilds to every major city, paying for those outside Rome directly with taxes. Since slaves did most of the manual labor, costs for each program were low once slaves were purchased.

These enhanced street cleaning programs persisted for over a millennium. There was a strict policy of not freeing slaves who were committed to these programs and of breeding slaves to maintain a reliable supply. It was formally abolished in 1450 to be replaced by a low-wage municipal sector of employment. While cities continue to pay workers to clean city streets the job has since been superseded by vehicles rather than individual laborers.

Next, Marcus ordered an inspection of the cloaca maxima and a review on areas serviced as well as total output. The data revealed a system that did not meet his expectations. In 229 CE, he commissioned a massive overhaul and expansion of Rome's sewers. The project was completed in 248, with the addition of 8 km of tunnels of a similarly high quality as the older ones. Part of this expansion was funded by patricians in exchange for running the sewers closer to their urban villas.

With the greater sewer coverage in the city, Marcus could conceive of another magnificent building project, the Thermae Antoninae (Antonine Baths), that would be realized near the Forum Romanum. These public thermae were larger than the Baths of Trajan, which Marcus planned to tear down for civil real estate, being 308 m long, 170 m wide and 54 m tall. They were expected to hold up to 2,400 bathers on the main floor alone and had an enormous second floor gym for athletics, wrestling, and boxing. Entry into the new baths was free. Revenue came from shops situated throughout the complex.

Caesar Marcus spent his time commissioning great works of civil engineering. The bridges to Tiber Island were rebuilt in 232 under his name and in his third year, Marcus paid for expansion of ports along the Amalfi Coast increasing ship capacity by about 60%, allowing faster movement of goods into Italy.

Five years later, highways into Italy were also improved. In particular, Marcus had the great Via Appia that ran through the entire province renovated. As reconstruction was undergone, the old road was destroyed piece by piece and recycled for concrete in other building projects.

The New Appian Way (Nova Via Appia) stretched from Rome to Brundisium in the heel of Italy, connecting the cities of Neapolis, Formiae, and Metapontum (among others) along the way. Comfortably wide enough for two-way traffic, the road was secured on either side by a meter high concrete barrier and drainage ditch. Along the wall, markers were placed every 7.4 km giving travellers the distances to the nearest taverns, the upcoming cities, and Rome. Marcus' executive enforcement of the new lex signae viae Romanae forced all new highway signs throughout the empire to post their distances to Rome, a minor bother for people who were thousands of miles away from the Eternal City.

On the stretch of the Via Appia within 14.8 km of Rome, the road slowly stretched by 4 meters and concrete barriers became ornate marble. Entering the Eternal City was said by Eutropius, writing a century later, to be "as a god returning home to Olympus", such was the beauty of the reconstructed Appian Way. Those parts of the highway nearest Rome were covered with gold and adorned with beautiful statues. Construction on this New Appian Way was completed in 254 CE, around the same time as renovations were finished on other Italian highways.

Other provinces were not blessed with expansions of infrastructure like those in Italy. Marcus firmly believed in maintaining the strength of Italia as a means to greater national stability. This attitude is reflected in his biography; he is quoted as saying that "whenever the She-Wolf is strong, her pack will never splinter."

Internal conflict
Unfortunately, the Pax Romana of Mother Italia ended as abruptly as it began, with the uprising in 233 of a group known to Rome as the Alemanni. This group consisted of Germanic peoples inhabiting the provinces of Raetia and Germania Superior. They lived in small townships of Roman architecture known as pagos (cantons), mostly situated along the Fluvius Menus. As such, the Alemanni were one of many Germanic tribes that had been conquered by Rome in the last century. While they were slowly being assimilated by Roman culture, the Alemanni faced unique problems due to their location. Sulla had dealt with them once before, when the Alemanni requested assistance with foreign raiders attacking their towns. For whatever reason, their pleas were never answered by the emperor, despite the high volume of raids likely being a result of his Germanic campaigns.

Two decades passed since Sulla first ignored the Alemanni and their uprising seemed in many ways a result of being ignored by Rome. The rebels formed a formidable force of nearly 19,000 dissidents, drawn from over a hundred cantons in the region. The uprising showed clear signs of organization, deeply disturbing the local commanders who received news of these activities. The towns of Sumolecenna, Lupodunum, and Arae Flaviae were just three of dozens of Roman settlements to join the Alemanni, either by agreement or by force. Although this force was an inherent threat to the empire, the Legion had no difficulty putting it down in a time of less than six months. This was a decisive victory over the Alemanni but Marcus lacked the experience on how to proceed from such an event.

Commanders of the legions that had quelled the uprising were content to return to their duties but Marcus relayed an order to cross the limites of the empire into Germania to kill real and imaginary enemies alike. This excessive military reprisal was a bloody seven month campaign during which Franci, Gothi, Quadi, and Alemanni were indiscriminately massacred. The conflict was inhumane and utterly pointless, from a strategic perspective. Most dissidents were killed in the defeat of the original rebels and such a violent backlash from the Legion only served to demonstrate Roman excesses to the locals. The perceived weakness of restraint that was shown here would have consequences in the coming decades. Nevertheless, Marcus was given the title of Alemannicus in recognition of his victory and a centurion by the name of Lucius Domitius Aurelianus received honors of his own for catching an ambush in the town of Aurelia Aquensis (a coincidence of names that played no small part in the belief of his brothers in arms that his actions were preordained by the gods). His future leadership would prove instrumental in troubling times to come in the near future of the empire.

Indeed, the decade that followed saw one of the most destructive rebellions of the century shake the Imperium Romanum.

Another group of tribes conquered by Rome in the last century was a Dacian people known as the Carpiani, whose numbers had grown under a mostly prosperous Roman rule. By the time of their first riots in 248 CE, they numbered over 680,000 people spread across more than a thousand cantons. The Carpiani were pushed to take up arms when a famine hit their homeland and their pleas to the governor of Dacia to provide aid or even offer concessions on taxes were ignored. This refusal came after years of the Carpiani being allies of Rome - a reward for their decades of support for the empire against other tribes was overdue.

One legion led by Aurelianus and another led by the legate Gaius Trebonianus Gallus arrived within a month to disperse more than 4,000 rioters. This pacified the region for a short time. Another riot followed a decade later, then a third and fourth over the course of the next decade. Each riot was put down harder than the last but there were no signs that the unrest would subside. What was unknown to the military and political leadership of Rome was that the Carpianni were rallying around a prominent Carpian citizen of the empire, the wealthy Hostus Stirpes. Secret gatherings where he spoke of the growing arrogance of Rome and the moral incontinence of its leaders, drew the attention of many of his people. Through his urgings, the Carpiani maintained greater discretion in the growth of their forces, culminating in open rebellion against Rome in 275 CE.

Hostus led an army of 100,000 angry peasants to capture the city of Napoca in spring. His goal was to take the provincial and cultural capital of Dacia, the city of Apulum. This was a settlement of over 90,000 people, most of whom were cives (citizens), but defended only by one legion, under the command of legate Manius Acilius Aureolus. News of the fall of Napoca had arrived at Apulum only a day before Hostus' army was cresting a hill toward the city.

Most of the Battle of Apulum was a lengthy siege, with no hope of reinforcements before the end of the week. After a day of watching the enemy pound the gates, Legio Gemina XIII left the safety of the walls to meet the Carpiani on the field. Although his legion was annihilated, Aureolus ensured a pyrrhic victory for Hostus, who lost a third of his own army. After the battle, the city was easily taken and Hostus entered as though he were a liberator. Romans were searched for in their houses to be killed on the street and defenses were rebuilt to hold the city against the inevitable retaliation of Rome.

Retaliate she did! Three weeks after Apulum fell, the general Lucius Domitius Aurelianus - nearing the end of his stellar military career - approached the city with three legions from Greece. His men wanted nothing but revenge for their fallen brothers. Since the defenses of Apulum had only seen rudimentary reconstruction since the capture of the city, the legions tore down the gates in minutes with concentrated use of ballistae and onagers. Apulum was retaken and Hostus was captured for trial, as a Roman citizen, back in the city of Rome. Despite a passionate speech against tyranny, hurting his case more than helping him, Hostus was found guilty of treason and unceremoniously thrown off the Tarpeian Rock - a proper fate for traitors to Rome.

Any Carpiani who could be identified in Dacia and were not citizens were rounded up by the legion for execution, their children being taken to be raised as slaves. About 700,000 suspected Carpiani were executed in what was one of the worst genocides in human history, seeing the virtual elimination of an entire nation and the depopulation of almost a whole province.

Financial crisis (241-250)
Before the first Carpiani riots, the empire suffered a national financial crisis the magnitude of which was unprecedented in the Western world. At the heart of the issue was the ignorance of bancani (bankers) to the concept of a personal credit rating. Borrowers were expected to be treated equally at a bank and most establishments had so many clients that keeping constant track of a person's borrowing record to evaluate their credit worthiness was not considered feasible. By consequence, people could pay old debts by taking new loans, keeping them in debt. This was a precarious situation for an economy.

As some background, money lending was an ancient profession stretching back to the dawn of civilization. In Rome, money lenders used to work from benches in the marketplace, unless they ran their operation from a temple. In the former case, money was deposited in money-boxes carried to the benches (bancu) of the money lenders. Their primary jobs were loaning money, exchanging currencies, and accepting deposits, functions they performed for the locals who came to the marketplace. Some developments during the reign of Sulla saw money lenders in Palestina accumulated sufficient wealth to buy secure facilities for engaging in their trade. Money could be stored in the vaults of these buildings, allowing those money lenders to offer a better service than the ones still out on the benches. These buildings received the name of banca as a reference to how those money lenders got to where they were. Similarly, money lenders working from a bank distinguished themselves from other mensarii by calling themselves bancani (bankers).

When the Senate involved itself in the activities of Jewish bankers, these institutions began to be afforded a greater legitimacy. One bank was commissioned by the Senate on the Forum Romanum in 219 CE. The Banca Romae (Bank of Rome) was managed by a bureaucrat and was the first bank permitted by the Senate to validate and distribute currency. This was an entirely novel means of distributing the denarius to the people, since currency minted by the government could only get into the economy through government expenditure, mostly through wages paid to the troops. Now a citizen could exchange land, animals or some other imperishable good directly for currency that had been distributed to the Banca Romae as a deposit by the Senate or Caesar. No one at the time considered the implications this would have for the Roman currency and economy but its effects would slowly manifest over the next few centuries as banking evolved.

Within two decades of founding the Banca Romae, the Senate had offered other banks business rights with the government. These institutions were regarded as the most legitimate means of taking loans since they were guaranteed to have currency from business with the government. Indeed, the procuratores employed by the emperor to distribute wages to legionaries acquired the necessary funds through chartered banks, for only a small fee payed by the government to the bank. This fee had been worth the extra security of circumventing regional governors or generals in the payment of troops. Chartered banks benefited enormously from dealing with the governments, effectively pushing traditional money lenders out of the finance market.

Unfortunately, aside from requiring a charter from the Senate, the activity of banks was as entirely unregulated as that of money lenders. Their endorsement by the federal and local governments as well as their unique conspicuity in a forum of business made borrowing money a far more common occurrence in this 3rd  century economy. The average Pleb had zero experience with the practice of borrowing and lending money, especially in planning the repayment of a loan along with its interest fees. The sudden rise in frequency of loans combined with other economic circumstances into a pandemic of debt across the civilized world.

This issue went unnoticed by the Senate and the public. Indeed, no one knew there was a problem except the bankers who were distinctly aware that their reserves were being depleted by loans, to the point that future loans were becoming impossible at a number of major banks. There was no guild for banks as of yet but the more prominent bancani knew enough to correspond with one another, revealing that the situation had escalated quickly by 241. In March of 242, several prominent bankers approached the Senate with the growing crisis.

After much deliberation, the Senate acted in the interest of its nation's banks. Senators passed the lex culmen mutuum which forced anyone carrying debt greater than 30 denarii to reimburse their creditors, either with currency or personal property. While banks did not carry records of past debts, any outstanding debt was recorded at the institution. As a result of the new law, the year 244 CE was marred by thousands losing their homes, heirlooms, and livestock to the bancae. Unsurprisingly, people were not pleased to have their property confiscated, leading to riots in some of the larger Roman cities. The worst were in Rome itself. Legions could not quell the unrest since they would be harming Roman citizens, an unthinkable act without sufficient precedent. There was no simple solution to the escalating situation.

The Caesar and his Senate faced a national crisis. Violence on the streets was getting out of hand fast. Rioters were destroying property on the larger fora of business and thousands of bankers as well as merchants across the empire were being killed for their wealth or out of twisted revenge. Action was needed on the part of the government.

The solution on which Marcus settled was risky. The Senate was forced to put its vast coffers to use bailing out the debtors, returning their possessions in the process. Furthermore, the Senate decreed that 20% of all debt was to be forgiven, leaving less for the empire's treasury to cover without leaving the banks with nothing. Even with these measures, the crisis had gotten bad enough that almost 74 million denarii were spent on the bailout, nearly emptying the treasury.

Other measures were necessary to prevent a recurrence of such a financial crisis. First, the Senate passed a law forcing a bank to maintain records of all transactions for a minimum of 5 years. Second, these records would be used to create a credit history for any citizens who have used a bank. This information had to be brought to a bank before money could be borrowed. Without a credit history, a person was to be treated cautiously, as a "wild card", who could as easily be a bad debtor as a good one. Since a detailed credit history would be complicated and unwieldy for an institution to maintain, the Senate enforced a ranking system for the credit worthiness of a person, with instructions for how a ranking changes based on events in that person's credit history. This ranking was merely a number that approximately reflected the credit history of the individual, even though the details of how that number was reached would be lost after a period of 5 years. The credit rating of a person was known as his infama, a measure of that person's trustworthiness for borrowing money.

Third, a law passed that made it illegal to pay a loan by taking out another loan. Another law prevented any individual from taking out a loan if it would bring their total debt above an amount that varied with their order in society. A Pleb could not possess a debt above 100 denarii whereas a Patrician had no limit on how much money he could owe a bank. This had the additional effect of stagnating people's rise through the ranks of society, preventing the lower classes from borrowing money for major investment. This particular restriction would be lifted about two centuries later, when credit ranking was a more reliable practice and the process of preventing citizens from falling severely into debt was more effective.

As a moral reaction to the crisis, Marcus reinstated the republican office of Censor. Not only were these eight magistrates to perform the regular census of the people of the city of Rome but there were to be elected directly by the people. Speeches were given by Marcus to the Senate and to the public on the Forum Traiani, lamenting the loss of these protectors of public morals. He said that the financial crisis reflected a decline in Roman morality and clear thinking, and that new guidance was needed. Censores were to provide such guidance and would have their original sanctus magistratus (sanctified magistracy) for this role.

Finally, the Senate issued a tax on loans from banks to the amount of 2%. This sum was paid half by the borrower and half by the lender, with the intent of refilling the empire's coffers after their depletion from the bailout. All of these measures were put into place over the years 245-247, in time for the grand millennial celebrations.

Anniversary of Rome
Despite the hard times faced by Rome during this century, there was one source of hope and wonder for its citizens. The city of Rome had been founded on April 21, 753 BCE, meaning the year 247 CE marked the 1000 year anniversary of its founding (Romans obviously did not used the anno domini calendar and for them, the year was in fact the year 1000 ad urbe condita). An event such as this millennial anniversary was cause for great celebration for Romans, proud to be flourishing after a millennium of precarious expansion. Although the country was on the heels of a market crash, its people were soon reminded of what made Rome great, washing away the worries of the financial crisis.

However, the crash took its toll on the celebrations. Marcus had spent nearly a decade planning the Magni Ludi Saeculares (Great Saecular Games) but his depletion of the public treasury forced him to scale back his vision. Nevertheless, there were celebrations every day in the Eternal City from April 21, 247 to April 21, 248 - a year long display of Roman magnificence.

In preparation for the Games, the Flavian Amphitheater was renovated, returning the famous stadium to how it appeared when first constructed. The view from around its base was described by people at the time as a marvelous experience. This renovation came at a great cost and took nearly a decade to complete. As the centerpiece of the Games, the Amphitheater of Rome had to be in its finest condition, to impress the public with the splendor of the empire. Banners hung from the sides of the amphitheater throughout the anniversary, changing to reflect ongoing events or weekly themes.

One week was dedicated entirely to the travels of Aeneas and the Trojan War, featuring a reenactment of the battle between Hector and Achilles by two gladiators as well as an open battle between "Trojans" and "Greeks". Other weeks held combat between animals from throughout the empire, with a wrestling match between a brute of a man and a declawed lion receiving special attention for its shocking finish. Such events were the norm throughout the year.

During the Spring and Summer, there were 200 straight days of gladiatorial matches and weekly parades through the streets. On April 21, 248, the city was host to the grande finale of the celebrations. This was an opportunity to combine numerous events into a single day: champions from the earlier gladiatorial matches fought in a bloody winner-takes-all free-for-all and two real legions each pitted its best century against the other in a competition for rewards and dignitas. Not a personal fan of gladiatorial combat, Caesar Marcus spent that day touring Rome under a light guard, meeting and dining with the common people. At the end, there was a parade through the streets featuring artifacts from past victories then the announcement by the emperor of a congiarium of 400 denarii to every adult male resident of the city. While this was the breaking point for the imperial treasury, it left the people of Rome in a state of unbridled ecstasy, for which Marcus would long be remembered.

A closing ceremony was held near midnight on the Forum Romanum where Marcus revealed a monument that he commissioned for the event - the Colossus of Sulla, a 34 m statue of his father, painted in living color. With the involvement of the emperor, the statue was raised to a position that overlooked the Curia (Senate House) and Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus.

External conflicts (251-260)
Internally, Rome had never been more stable than after its millennial anniversary. Apart from some unsettling events in Dacia, the empire had settled down to a better equilibrium: Phoenicians were no longer concerned with the published history that had pored salt into the wounds of the ancient Punic Wars, Egyptians and Syrians enjoyed an economic boom that trickled down even to the common people, and Greeks were still basking in their recent acquisition of citizenship. Although Marcus had no mind for the military, his legions were no less loyal than under more imperialistic emperors, in no small part from their high, stable wages. Furthermore, the Praetorian Guard had been castrated as a political influence, for the first time since Augustus. All these factors were coinciding in the form of an unmatched stability for the Imperium Romanum.

While Rome had stability from within, she faced threats from outside. Beyond the limites of her empire, Germanic tribes were in a struggle against seemingly random exterminations by legions and the constant conflict with other tribes. Sulla and Marcus continued the policy of Marcus Aurelius in refusing to admit more people into the empire, whenever such refusal was feasible. Although many wished for sanctuary across the borders of Rome, the Legion repelled their advances at nearly every turn.

Exhausted of diplomatic avenues, tribes began to pursue aggressive actions. A force of allied Franci, known to themselves as Salians, began to settle in 240 CE on the Limes Germanicus near the province of Belgica. Tired of harassment from Roman legionaries, the Salians attacked border fortifications in 250. The line was breached at Germania Inferior but local garrisons were able to repel these invaders by the end of the year. This was not an unusual event in the life of a legionary posted at the border. However, the invaders had breached sufficiently far into Roman territory to catch the attention of some senators, who swiftly pushed a motion forward to improve the defenses along the Limes Germanicus.

Experts in the Senate on recent developments in military engineering brought forward designs for the proposed fortifications, based on a new type of wall that was becoming popular for cities in Dalmatia and Moesia. Effective against anything short of the heaviest siege weapons, these walls were no different than others in material but had a slanted surface facing the outside, allowing its weight to contribute to the difficulty in dislodging blocks with siege weaponry. Most mobile onagers were entirely ineffective against such walls, requiring an enemy to build large stationary catapults if they hoped to breach the line.

This Vallum Germanicum (German Wall) stretched from the North Sea to the crossing of the Rhine into Germania Superior. The Rhine hugged the outer edge of the German Wall for its entire length - a total of 643 km. Approaching this wall on foot was nearly impossible with the river acting as a moat, made even harder by concrete river banks installed along some stretches of the river to prevent soil erosion beneath the wall (unchecked erosion could collapse an entire section of the wall, a serious danger when building heavy structures alongside a river). Once the wall was completed, invasion across the Rhine was expected to become impossible so it is unfortunate that the Alemanni crossed into the empire in 256.

The sudden resurgence of the Alemanni after being crushed two decades earlier forced Domitius Aurelianus, who was tasked with defending the Germanic provinces until construction finished, into numerous battles to hold the raiders back from workers. During the brief respite between the repulsion of the Alemanni and the Alemanni-Frank invasion of 257, Marcus called Aurelian back to Rome. There he was granted the unique office of Dux Generalissimus, most general leader of legions, a rank invented to signify his total authority over the imperial armies.

Given free reign to solve the current threat posed by Germanic tribes, Domitius returned to Germany in time to repel the Franks and Alemanni, mere days after crossing the limes. Unfortunately for Rome, this was only part of a larger problem that plagued the empire in recent years. Although Marcus could find no explanation for the rising aggression of tribes outside the borders of the empire, the fact of the matter was that his earlier excursions had destabilized existing balances of power among the tribes while simultaneously feeding insatiable flames of hatred toward Rome. Together these factors brought vengeful victims of past genocide to the forefront of many Germanic and Dacian communities - a steaming kettle of aggression against the empire.

News had been coming to the Senate about tribes of Gothi harassing villages in Dacia and Moesia, raiding their temples and kidnapping their women. Typical barbarian activity as far as Romans knew. Bringing four legions into the Balkans with him, Aurelian had little difficulty chasing the Goths back to the remaining villages of the former Bosporan Kingdom after only a few months of skirmishes. Fighting in the more mountainous terrain of Taurica was more difficult for the legionaries, due to their heavier armor, but naval support along the coast made supplying the troops less of a challenge. Together with the discipline and high morale of the legionaries, these factors resulted in the utter humiliation of the Gothic forces.

Although Domitius was victorious over the Goths, leaving the Balkans in 263, there was no time for his men to rest. Vandals had amassed near Pannonia Superior and Roman scouts believed they were ready to cross the Danube. Indeed, they crossed in Spring of 264, a mere week before Domitius arrived with four battle hardened legions. The Vandals' defeat left them logistically suppressed for several decades and unable to foster the morale to challenge Rome again for many decades more.

Once again the empire could not rest, as Heruli tribes had gathered together to invade Dacia while Domitius was occupied with the Vandals near Germany. Whether or not there was coordination between the Heruli and the Vandals remains unknown to this day. Their invasion is likely another result of the increased aggression of the Germanic and Dacian people. Another general, Marcus Claudius Tacitus, was tasked with expelling the Heruli. Although Apulum was captured for the first time under the rule of Marcus, the war did not last long once Tacitus arrived with three legions. Since the Heruli had made it deep into the empire, escape was impossible. The Herulian armies weremassacred, with the survivors sold into slavery.

With the completion of the Vallum Germanicum in 261, raids from Germanic tribes became that much less of a concern. Any invasions, from this point in history till the arrival of the Huns, consistently failed to threaten the Imperium Romanum. Whether stopped dead by impenetrable masonry or repelled by indomitable soldiers, outsiders could not gain a foothold in Roman Europe. This marked a turning point in the history of Rome. Since the city was sacked in 387 BCE during the first Gallic invasion, tribes outside of Italy have posed a serious threat. Julius Caesar had pacified the Gauls and Sulla had subdued the Picts but Germans were a different beat entirely. Their tribes lived far from the bases of Roman power and spread themselves over hundreds of thousands of square kilometers of dense forests. They had no distinct strongholds to capture and no unified leadership to kill. A firm wall along the Rhine River was just about the only effective way to prevent future transgressions by Germanic tribes. There were other places where they could cross the limites of the empire but this single defense made a world of difference.

However, there were other threats to Rome and her empire. In the south, Berber tribes had become emboldened enough by 251 to raid cities in the province Africa Proconsularis. Although these raids were moderate, their regularity over several years prompted a response by the Senate, who sent Tacitus with two legions in 259 CE. The Berbers were pursued almost 80 km into the desert, past the Limes Tripolitanus, to ensure that none would return for some time. Another African culture was grabbing the attention of the Senate during this era. The Kingdom of Aksum near Egypt registered as a possible threat to Rome, a threat of a similar sort to Persia (i.e. capable of causing a waste of a great deal of resources should they go to war).

Reports from Roman merchants and spies indicated that the Aksumites had begun minting their own currency and were building warships to protect its massive merchant fleet. From what information could be gained, Aksum had nearly tripled in wealth since 200 CE as a result of the growth in trade between Rome and India. Unbeknownst to the Senate, most Roman merchants preferred to trade with Indians through Aksumite merchants, saving the trouble of crossing the great ocean that lay beyond the Mare Rubrum. This led to increasing trade between Aksum and the various Indian states, as well as between Rome and Aksum independently of oriental commerce. By 270 CE, Aksum had established itself as one of the great powers of the known world but for the time being, Rome would do nothing to incite this sleeping giant.

However, the Senate did send letters in 271 to King Endubis of Aksum, inviting emissaries to Alexandria and Petra. The next emperor of Rome would continue this correspondence with future kings. The purpose of these invitations was to astonish the Aksumites with the grandeur of the Imperium, in the hopes that this would disincline their kings to war against Rome.

Unfortunately for Rome, there were other more pressing problems than foreign tribes and kingdoms. In the 250's, a plague of smallpox struck Egypt, nearly reaching grain shipments bound for Italy and Greece. If the disease had reached ships going to the heartland, then the empire would have been crippled for years. Perhaps the Caesar would have died and certainly many senators would have succumbed to the plague. Some luck and the good thinking of doctors in isolating victims at galenariae prevented such a dangerous escalation. Despite these efforts, over 160,000 people died across Arabia, Africa, and Egypt before the epidemic subsided around 273. This is nothing compared to the millions of deaths that would have occurred had the plague spread to Italy and Greece. The event became known as the Plague of Carthage, for the 30,000 who died in the city.

Remembering his fathers reasons for locating the Academia Galena in Aelia Capitolina, Marcus thought that perhaps another medical academy was needed, this time in Africa. The Academia Medica Alexandria was completed in 258, a school that would be dedicated to training medici for Africa and Hispania, where doctors were in short supply by comparison with Europe. Another school was founded in Greece, with the intention of devoting a school for the training of chirurgii (surgeons). Surgeons trained at the Corinthian Academy became famous for a 19 out of 20 success rate at trepanning and their stellar record for the safe removal of limbs. With the greater number of surgeons in the empire, the Legion could implement more positions for field surgeons in its legions, permanently improving the survival rate of legionaries after battles.

As a result of the Plague of Carthage, the Senate passed laws that required any ships coming from Africa and Arabia to fly a flag if disease seemed to be spreading among its crew during the voyage. This flag was vertically half black and half red so as to be noticeable from the shore. Upon arrival, a ship flying the morbitum vexillum would be quarantined by local doctors until the threat could be better assessed and handled. Nearly every merchant vessel operating within the empire had this flag and many possible outbreaks were prevented by its use. It only took a few decades for the practice to fully settle into Roman culture.

One last development of this decade that bears mentioning is the improvement in validation of official documents by passing the lex approbatio magistrati in the year 253. Before the new law, letters and decrees coming directly from the emperor were legitimized by his literal stamp of approval, the imperial seal stamped on a ring carried by a Caesar and his wife, the empress. This law created the official seal of the Senate - an image of a she-wolf and wreath - and required that any senatus consultum be stamped with this seal. A brief enumeration of documents that had to be validated by this seal includes: Rings with the seal of the Senate were issued to city prefects, praetores, senatores, consulares, quaestores, aediles and duces, without exception. Losing a ring would result in punishments ranging from a hefty fine to termination of employment. Misuse of these seals could have serious implications. Different variations on the seal were specific to certain offices. A senator or consul had an extremely distinct seal, required for a number of important validations, whereas an aedile had a special seal that was exclusively necessary for authorizing any construction projects. Often, senators or consuls would send their rings with the seal as a way of extending his authority to an underling, since magistrates of their rank only faced a fine for its loss, punishment which could be extended to the person trusted with such authority. Duplication of the rings was difficult though obviously not impossible for anyone who could hold onto one long enough to smelt a new one from the required 6.8 ounces of gold. A forgery could be identified either by bearing the wrong image or by failing a test for pure gold.
 * authorizations for new construction projects for roads, aqueducts, or colonies
 * licences for being a chartered bank within Roman territory
 * medical licences for both doctors and surgeons
 * promotion papers for any military rank above centurion (e.g. dux, legatus)
 * senatus consulta brought before the emperor or posted to the public
 * employment contracts for publicani performing any sort of service for the government (e.g. tax collection)
 * official letters that require proof of validation by a magistrate

While your average Gaius or Gaia wouldn't identify an illegitimate stamp, there were many publicani and censores tasked with verifying hospitals, banks, and other facilities for legitimate seals. This didn't outright prevent fraudulent business or corruption but it made such practices much riskier, since there was a guarantee of being discovered should the right people happen to check. Since people occasionally impersonated tax collectors and unlicensed medical practice wasn't uncommon, this was a serious step forward for the efficiency of the federal government.

Diophantus of Alexandria
Where geometry had flourished in the last century, the 2nd century was the era for algebraic mathematics. At the time, the Romans had no concept or notation for a general number and unknowns were expressed by writing that the size of some figure was unknown (algebraic problems were usually understood as problems of finding the volume, area or length of some sections of geometric figures). This was the nascent form of algebra possessed by Western mathematics.

Perhaps the greatest mathematician of the classical era worked during the reign of Marcus. Diophantus was a Greek living in Alexandria, studying mathematics as part of the prominent schools of that city. Although some discoveries were shared in conversation with his peers, the work of Diophantus reached a wider audience when he published the Arithmetica in Greek. As his contemporaries were wont to do, Diophantus wrote about mathematics using drawings of geometric shapes and written descriptions of equations. Shorthand notation, even as simple as x = 4y + z ² , had yet to be invented.

For example, problem I.28 in the Arithmetica is expressed: "Find two numbers whose sum and the sum of whose squares are given numbers" under the condition that "twice the sum of the squares minus the square of the sum of the two numbers has to be a square." This is characteristic for the entirety of his book.

One convention that Diophantus introduced to Greek mathematics was a new notion of number. Before Diophantus, the word number was understood as one of the counting numbers: 1, 2, 3, 4, ... . Today, these are known as the positive integers. Diophantus was the first to use the word number per se as meaning a positive rational number. In other words, he was the first mathematician to regard fractions as numbers, changing his language accordingly. For this reason, the numbers that were the solutions for a great many of his problems in the Arithmetica were fractional, as would be the case for different given numbers in the above example. This reconceptualization of numbers was a tremendous development in mathematics. However, like his contemporaries, Diophantus regarded the notions of irrational square roots and negative numbers as absurd or useless. As such, all of his problems ignored solutions which were not positive rational numbers (i.e. not positive fractions or integers).

Another practice begun by Diophantus was the shorthand of expressing a single unknown as a single symbol, rather than writing out the word unknown every time. Strangely, this was solely when an equation contained a single unknown, otherwise he would write as others "first unknown", "second unknown", etc. Moreover, Diophantus was still limited by the lack of a concept of a general number, meaning equations were only written where the unknowns had a specific value. Absence of shorthand notation and general variables were the primary obstacles between Diophantine arithmetic and proper algebra.

Nevertheless, many of the new polynomials that Diophantus introduced have remained relevant for modern mathematicians under the name of Diophantine equations. These are studied as algebraic equations, with variables in place of the unknowns, although Diophantus could not have regarded these polynomials as such.

Some of the indeterminate problems treated by Diophantus - those which did not have a unique positive rational number as a solution - were analyzed by him through a method of finding specific conditions under which a solution existed. This particular treatment of what could have been considered general problems was repeated throughout the Arithmetica. Indeed, the text is notable for providing almost no direct treatment of mathematical theorems, instead hinting at broader mathematical truths through its methods for solving particular problems and for classifying such problems by certain species of equations.

Dangerous enemies (261-272)
In the year 260 CE, the general of the Raetian legions, Marcus Aemilius Aemilianus, conspired with the Consul of Germany, venerable patrician, Publius Licinius Valerianus, to take advantage of the distraction provided by the invading Dacian tribes. At the suggestion of Valerian, Aemilius would lead troops into Italy to ransom the emperor and Senate, for Valerian to be named Caesar in place of Marcus. Since the emperor's military ineptitude was well known and the defenses around Italy were nowhere near as impressive as those along the borders, Aemilius was pleased to join his treasonous plot, secretly planning to put himself on the curulian throne when the time came.

Aemilianus secured the loyalty of about 9,800 men among his three legions, convincing them that a rebellion would pressure the Senate into doubling their wages. Most of the legionaries would probably be averse to his conspiracy once his intentions came to light but Aemilian assured himself that they could be convinced it was too late to turn back and that the reward for supporting his coup d'état would be worthwhile upon his appointment as emperor. None of the conspirators considered the ramifications of deposing the hugely popular and successful Antonine dynasty.

Valerian's rebellion was underway by spring of 261, bursting to life through a skirmish between 10,600 legionaries under Aemilian and 4,760 loyal imperialist. With advantages of surprise, numbers, and leadership, the rebels under Aemilian prevailed with little loss of momentum. In an almost unprecedented event, there now stood a powerful army within 490 km of the Rubicon Valley. Were the rebels to cross the river, stopping their advance would acquire deathly urgency.

Lady Fortuna smiled on Rome that day as General Tacitus was cleaning up after the war with Heruli tribes when news spread of the insurrection. Mustering his forces, Tacitus met Aemilian north of Aquileia in the dramatic Battle of Italia. While Aemilian was killed in battle, Valerian was caught fleeing back into Raetia and brought before Tacitus. The general reportedly spat in the consul's face before allowing his soldiers (mere Plebs!) to kick Valerian into a bleeding pulp on the forest ground.

A sorely beaten Valerian was brought before Caesar Marcus in September of 261, for a parade through Rome where crowds would jeer and throw rotten vegetables at him. After a customary trial, Valerian was found guilty of the highest treason against the state - plotting to overthrow the emperor and sack Rome. For his crime, Valerian was crucified on the Porta Esquilina. As the only citizen of the Patrician order ever to be crucified outside Rome, Valerian would long be remembered as a traitor. His familial clan, the Liciniae, publicly struck Valerian from all family records. Random citizens from the city visited him on the cross to leer at him and shame him further.

The crucifixion of the traitor Valerian went down in Roman history as one of the most famous executions by the empire, surpassed in infamy only once the empire adopted Christianity. The former consul was made into an icon of rebellion by acts of the Senate, turning him into a personification of treason and enemies of the state. Future propaganda would make great use of the image of Valerian, as the Senate would face other internal threats.

Not all the greatest enemies of Rome would be internal. The power vacuum left in Magna Germania by the military successes of Domitius came to be filled by a nation coming down from Cimbria (Denmark). This people was known as the Saxones and they quickly established themselves as the dominant regional power.

Mighty as they were, the Saxons posed only a short-lived danger to the empire. In 264, Roman fleets were moved from the Mediterranean Sea to the Mare Germanicum, when news reached the Senate that the Saxons were building ships. Although Roman decaremes and triremes were more than a match for the cogs under construction in Norther Germany, the ground armies of the Saxons were larger than the regional forces of Rome by a factor of six. Even with its auxiliaries and sagittarii, the Romans were still only fielded a third of the Saxon numbers in Germany.

How the Saxons grew in power over their neighbors and how they unified under one king is a mystery to Roman historians. The most solid theory is that fear of Rome pressured the already populous and homogenous Saxon tribes to unite behind powerful chieftains, one of which must have acquired enough power to conquer the rest around 250 CE. With a growing population, this king must have led his people south into more fertile land in Germany, inevitably encountering Rome. Alternatively, it is possible that rumors of the riches of the Roman Empire enticed a Saxon king into moving his people closer for the purpose of raids. This is not entirely inconsistent with the theory that the Saxons unified out of fear but it paints a far more foreboding picture.

Nevertheless, an uneasy peace settled between the two nations, one military keeping the other in check. Marcus extended an offer of trade to the Saxon King in order to maintain the peace. For whatever reason, the promise of trade was not as enticing as the riches that could be taken and so the Saxos invaded in 281, a time when their new territory had been consolidated.

The Saxon invasion was the final gasp of the Germanic peoples, before a Pax Romana settled once more over the empire. While the construction of a wall mitigated the threat of Germania to Rome, the failure of this invasion bracketed a lull in even any attempts to invade the empire from Germany. Still, this was quite a last breath.

Nearly 170,000 men participated in Saxon military exercises but only 90,000 took part in the opening wave of the war. Catching the legions off-guard, they achieved a decisive victory against Legio Minerva II, capturing its general for ransom and stealing the legionary standards. News of the captured standards enraged Domitius Aurelianus. He quickly accepted the request from the emperor to return from his retirement from the Legion and lead as Dux Generalissimus. Combining his forces with Tacitus in Arabia and Gaius Annius Florianus in Hispania, Aurelian brought an incomparable force of 56,320 legionaries, 6,720 auxiliaries, and 40,580 sagittarii to intercept the Saxons before they moved from Germania Superior into the densely populated Belgica.

Outnumbered and outgunned by Rome, the Saxons fled back through Germania Superior to where they entered south of the Vallum Germanicum. Here they expected to defend against the inevitable retaliation of Aurelian's legions. The fight never came. While Aurelian and his men fervently desired to get back at the Saxons for the thousands of lives lost from Roman legions and cities, the new emperor, Heracleitus, commanded them not to pursue. Refusing his orders would be easy but signal rebellion. As loyal imperialists, neither Aurelian nor the other commanders entertained such an action.

With their preliminary invasion a success, the Saxons saw what needed to be done. Since Rome could repel any invasion at its borders and would win any long-term conflict with its great resources, there was only one option: invade Rome itself.

Numerous obstacles stood in the way of such a plan. The borders were effectively impenetrable and 600 km of enemy land with supposedly a mountain range lay between those borders and Italy. With this in mind, the Saxons set out with their fleet in 286, sending 100,000 men to the Straits of Hercules and the Mediterranean Sea. This was a risky gambit, with a great deal to lose, but everything to win - a plan not without merit. If this army could capture Rome, then the city and its government could be ransomed for weapons, ships, and an unimaginable wealth. They could hold the empire by the throat while it gave away whatever would be necessary to better establish a Saxon Kingdom in Germany.

As part of the plan, the Saxons hired the Burgundiones to join a Saxon army of 18,000 in taking the province of Raetia. This would be a diversion under which the Saxon fleet could pass through the Oceanus Britannicus. If the Saxons could avoid the Roman fleet stationed in the region, then they would unopposed in their advance to the Mediterranean. Once they were across the Straights of Hercules, they could restock in Africa then head directly for the fabled ports of Ostia. Rome, they were told, had no structural defenses of its own and would surrended the moment any army approached.

No one among the Saxons anticipated the speed and maneuverability of the Roman fleet. A patrol spotted hundreds of ships off the coast from the port of Dubris and alerted the massive fleet stationed in the city. The Saxons were chased from Clausentum to the Cliffs of Dover where the Romans cornered their fleet. The annihilation of the Saxon fleet at Dubris and the simultaneous invasion of the Saxon cantons pacified the Saxons, shattering their king's dream of establishing a stable and powerful kingdom.

With the defeat of another enemy, the empire was showing no sign of slowing its growth in power. However, behind all the celebrations and military victories, was a harsher reality. Not one that could throw Rome off course but a problem nonetheless. After the financial crisis and anniversary celebrations, the treasury and imperial purse were nearly empty. The Senate maintained a steady 1-2 million denarii over the next decade but construction of the Vallum Germanicum took its toll. In 258, the Senate had to approve a loan from the Banca Romae. Such debts would not be repaid until 269, when Marcus heavily curtailed all public spending, except on necessities such as the military and grain ration.

The emperor fell into a depression around this time, believing himself to have ruined the empire his father had left him. Only the most profitable endeavours were pursued by the government over the remainder of his reign. One such project was the opening of mines across Mauretania. After the loss of life during the smallpox epidemic of the last decade, the influx of miners and other prospectors into the province was a welcome change for Carthage, swelling its population.

In his depression, Marcus did not consider himself worthy to join his ancestors in the imperial mausoleum. He planned to have a modest mausoleum, one that might befit a merchant, built for himself outside Rome. Barely half a dozen workers were employed in its construction. When the site was being prepared on August 14 of 272, some things were not going as planned and Marcus was frustrated from standing out in the heat at his age. Yelling at one worker for incompetence, Marcus was suddenly taken by the onset of heat stroke and, ironically, passed away on the spot where he would never be buried.

In his final years, Marcus brought the treasuries back to a respectable 12 million denariim and established the circumstances that would take Carthage one of the empire's leading cities. When the emperor was laid to rest in the Mausoleum Augustum with his ancestors, Rome stood stronger than it had at any earlier time.

Statistics for the Roman Empire of 272 AD
Almost a century after the Point of Divergence, a great deal has changed in Rome:

Population: 81 million people (31.1% of humans)

Area: 5,840,000 km ²

GDP: 7.1 billion denarii (~$170.4 billion US)

Treasury: 12 million denarii (~$288 million US)

Government revenue: 402 million denarii (~$9.6 billion US), 5.7% of GDP

Military spending: 269 million denarii (66.9% of revenue or 3.78% of GDP)

Military size: 156,000 legionaries (30 legions), 236,150 auxiliaries, and 10,000 praetorian guards