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Empire of BrazilTimeline: Principia Moderni III (Map Game)
Império do Brasil
OTL equivalent: Empire of Brazil
Independência ou Morte!
"Independence or Death!"
Hino da Independência (1822–1831)
"Anthem of Independence"
The Empire of Brazil in 1891.
|-||Prime Minister||Pinheiro Machado|
|-||Independence from Portugal||1866|
The Empire of Brazil is a representative parliamentary constitutional monarchy located in eastern Hesperia. An independent Brazilian state was created in 1866 following a successful revolution against Portuguese rule, with assistance from the nation of Peru. The newly created nation was ethnically diverse and in control of a vast, rich territory, however failed to capitalize on its natural resources, becoming a relatively minor nation in the continent's politics.
The ineffective Brazilian republic that ruled after the 1866 revolution was overthrown in a military coup, leading to the establishment of the Empire of Brazil under Pedro I Bragança, a relative of the Portuguese royal family. The Empire of Brazil experienced a period of quick industrialization and modernization in the late nineteenth century, including a high level of political stability, vibrant economic growth, constitutionally guaranteed freedom of speech, and well established civil rights for its citizens. Despite being an empire in theory under the direct rule of thee emperor, the Empire of Brazil has a bicameral parliament that is elected under democratic methods, as well as delegation to provincial and local legislatures.
War for Independence
In the late nineteenth century the Republic of Brazil was faced with a period of severe economic recession, brought on by recent bank failure in the nation's major cities. The bank failure was brought on by a series of events across the world economy, including German unification in central Europe. The union of the United German Kingdom, Bavaria, and Oldenburg, resulted in the reduction of silver reichsthaler coinage, causing a drop in demand for silver and a drop in its market price. At this time the Republic of Brazil's currency, the Real, was largely backed by gold and silver, and was primarily minted from silver, leading to the Coinage Act of 1889, which moved Brazil to a gold standard, preventing the nation from buying silver at a statutory price or converting silver from the public into silver coins.
Brazil's mining industry was immediately hurt by this decision, although offset by the discovery of diamonds in the south of the nation, increasing investment in the mining industry temporarily. Domestically the money supply was sharply reduced, causing interest rates to rise. Farmers and those with large amounts of debt were hurt, and public outcry began against the new government policies. The seemingly unstable situation in Brazil caused investors to shy away from Brazilian industry. This was coupled with wars in Europe, particularly revolution in France, which had invested heavily in Brazil previously.
In 1891 one of Brazil's largest railroad companies found itself unable to market bonds in the nation's railroads. Like most capitalists in Brazil, heavy investment was made in the railroads previously, during a time when investment banks were being contracted sections of the money supply, at the expense of rising interest rates and debt. Business had expanded considerably in the last few decades, however investments became scarcer, and the railroad bust by the end of the year caused many businesses to go bankrupt.
Additionally the nation experienced an unfavorable supply shock when the price of rubber sharply dropped, brought on by industrialized nations in Europe and their colonies seizing large portions of the commodity's market. Production of rubber became less profitable, and a recession began as many jobs in the nation's industrial sector were lost. The nation was faced with an increase in general prices, combined with general recession, and the government was unable to combat this rise, leading to rising discontent against the government.
Establishment of an Empire
In 1891, Pedro Bragança, a wealthy landowner and relative of the Portuguese royal family, launched a military coup within the government, declaring himself emperor of a new Brazilian state. The republican parliament submitted by the end of 1891, facing revolts across the nation. As a compromise with the former republican elements of the nation, a new constitution was created in which the rights and abilities of the General Assembly were preserved. The assembly became more inclusive and open, and created legislative, moderating, executive, and judicial branches within the many regions of the nation. Many democratic policies from before the coup were preserved, such as elections and regional governors.
In the early 1890s the new Empire of Brazil sought to combat the economic recession, treating the problem as a supply problem in the nation's economy. Regulations and tax cuts were granted to capitalists and aristocrats, allowing for Brazil's industry to recover through domestic investments. The result was an increase in jobs, as factories were created across the nation. The Empire became increasingly self reliant through rapid industrialization, and the increase in goods caused inflation to lessen. The introduction of new technologies in Brazil caused imports to heavily increase, supplying a large portion of the world's sugar, cotton, coffee, leather, and produce. After the first several years of its existence some 650 factories were in operation across the Empire of Brazil, and hundreds of km of railroad track were laid, becoming one of the world's fastest adopters of railroad technology.
The early Empire also spread the use of gas, electricity, telegraph, and sanitation across the nation, becoming one of the first nation's in the world to install modern city sewers, sewage treatment, and telephone service. Brazil was also one of the only nations in the western hemisphere connected directly to Europe by telegraphic line, and one of the first to adopt public electric lighting.
Emperor Pedro I also revolutionized the Brazilian armed forces, appointing his son-in-law, Gaston d’Valois-Arc, married to Pedro’s daughter Maria, head general of the Brazilian Army. Pedro I also attracted military officers from European nations, including British born officer, Henry Bartle Frere, who was appointed to a leading position in the military, after being attracted to Brazil from Great Britain. The rapid buildup of military competence and preparedness helped to bring the nation out of recession as well, as weapon manufacturers and other war related industries were subsidized and improved by the government.
Emperor Pedro also takes a deep interest in naval warfare, and ordered the creation of several drydocks and shipyards in Brazil’s major port cities. Hoping to become a strong naval contender on the continent, the navy began heavy repairs, which at the time of Pedro's military coup only included a number of small coast-defense vessels. One of the leading advocates for a strong Brazilian navy was José Paranhos, the Empire of Brazil’s first foreign minister, who called for a complete naval overhaul, believing that in order to compete on the international level Brazil must possess a strong navy. A law was passed in 1891 authorizing major construction of Brazilian vessels, totaling three small battleships, three armored cruisers, six destroyers, twelve torpedo boats, three submarines, a collier, and a training ship. The Empire of Brazil began working with the British to help design these new ships, and also worked together with various Hesperian and Borealian nations for assistance.
As a compromise between Emperor Pedro’s conservative base and the partially republican parliament, Pinheiro Machado was selected as the emperor’s prime minister, as a known supporter of democracy. The Emperor’s economic policies successfully curbed the effects of inflation and recession in the nation, by combating the issue as a supply problem. The nation experienced the largest period in conservatism to date, with a high focus on industry and capitalistic enterprise. The industrialization attracted immigrants and migrants to the nation’s major cities, where jobs were more abundant. This became contrary to the vast countryside, where the majority of the population was isolated in individual communities. In the aftermath of slavery in Brazil, wealth and landownership was left heavily concentrated among a small number of capitalists, with this extreme concentration reminiscent of feudal aristocracy. Recent innovations worldwide caused an industrial revolution across Brazil, as a direct reaction to European and Borealian demand for primary products and foodstuffs.
Agriculture became dominated by cotton, sugar, and coffee, as well as other profitable cash crops. The nation’s early focus on cash crops however came at the expense of domestic consumption, forcing the nation to import a majority of its grain needs to sustain its population. Able to bypass the power of the landowners with his new found power, Emperor Pedro I ordered a new agricultural program to increase the nation’s independence from imports. Additionally the patriarchal agricultural communities propped up by wealthy estates were infiltrated by the government, helping to end this semi-autonomy across the nation’s poorer regions.
Sensing a lapse in the nation’s domestic industrial base in the wake of the technologically, economically, and politically superior North Atlantic, Emperor Pedro set out to break the nation’s dependency of foreign made factory goods. The nation instituted the first ever tariffs with European nations, forcing capitalists to step in domestically. Additionally many industries, including weapon manufacturers, ammunition plants, and shipyards were subsidized by the government in some way, in addition to the already increasing boom brought on by heavy modernization of the military.
The ineffective slash-and-burn method was largely phased out, as were primitive and largely non-mechanized farming equipment, as the government began offering large tax cuts and discounts on mechanization. Additionally the government passed the Herdade Act of 1893, offering any settler to claim land in the west up to 160 acres. This was both to encourage settlement, and also to increase farmland under Brazilian control. This program went as far as to increase immigration from Europe, and was projected at its inception to heavily increase settlement within the following years. Farms became more profitable with the advent of mechanical improvements, especially after bad yields in Europe in the 1880s made Brazilian commodities highly sought after.
Many isolated communities became dependent on river transportation and railroads, which had become heavily monopolistic. Railroad owners and eastern bankers were blamed for many of the financial problems experienced by these settlers, and farmers began looking for new tactics to increase profits. The individualistic communities in the west began to pool their resources and yields, creating more centralized market systems, stores, processing plants, factories, and cooperatives. Known as the Granjeiro Movement, these farmers successfully passed laws limiting railroad and warehouse fees in many western provinces.
Additionally, in the aftermath of the financial crisis, known as the Encilhamento, new practices were put in place to prevent unbridled speculation, increased inflation, and fraudulent initial public offerings and takeovers. The Federal Depósito Seguro Corporação was created as a permanent agency of the government capable of insuring deposits in banks. The organization was also initially tasked with examining and supervising certain financial institutions for safety and soundness, as well as performing certain consumer-protection functions, and managing banks in receivership. These new programs were monitored without parliamentary appropriations, instead being funded entirely by premiums that banks and thrift institutions paid for deposit insurance coverage, and from earnings on investments in securities.
One of the still remaining major hindrances to the nation’s economic recovery was the lack of a centralized national economy, as up to this point regional markets had been able to export their own specialty products to European and Hesperian markets, as without an internal market with overland transportation, except for the mule trains, economic integration was impeded. This also hurt the nation’s political cohesion and military efficiency.
Colonization of the Amazonas
Seeking to take advantage of a recent rubber boom in the Amazon region, as well begin exploiting other natural resources in the region, a wave of rubber tappers and other settlers began expanding to the direct northwest of our nation. The city of Belém became an important port in the north of Brazil, as the last stop in this rubber exporting industry, and the government helped to expand the city as much as possible to take advantage of this increase. Unorganized settlers began to follow the River Amazon farther inland, often overlapping with Dutch settlers, creating tension along the border with Guyana. An unsuccessful attempt was made to purchase these claims from the Guyana's Colonial government and the Kingdom of the Netherlands, however these negotiations fell through, causing conflict to build.
The southern Guyanas, largely undeveloped and unsettled by Dutch citizens, became a battle ground for various rival companies and settlements. A number of settlements propped up in this region, some limited by the Dutch borders. Many Pardos and Afro-Brazilians, in some areas marginalized by the ruling Portuguese class, began moving increasingly westward. João da Cruz e Sousa, an Afro-Brazilian leader, began calling for a migration from the white dominated east, leading to the so called “Great Trek”. The trekkers, known as Seringueiros, for their primary background in rubber tapping, settled the many tributaries of the River Amazon in the north, but also to some degree directly west of the nation, near the Peruvian border. Major settlements settled by the Seringueiros include Porto Velho in the west and Manacapuru in the north.
A growing movement began among Seringueiros advocating for independent nation states in the region, with these groups becoming particularly hostile to Dutch traders on the River Amazon. After conflict erupted between native and Dutch ships on the Amazon, the government began to step in to preserve the region’s trade routes. Nilo Peçanha, a Pardo himself, was appointed governor of a colonial government, named Amazonas, encompassing in theory all these newly formed settlements. Each town however remained some degree of autonomy, limiting government power in the region. Economically the central government retained complete control over the region, as it controlled the major ports and industrial equipment, forcing these cities to work together with Peçanha’s government.
The colonization of the River Amazon and its various tributaries was largely at the expense of the already existing Dutch settlements in the region as part of the Dutch colony of the Guyanas. In the north Brazilian and Dutch claims and territories largely overlapped, and Brazilian settlers begin pressing these claims aggressively against the largely already established Dutch. When attempts to purchase these rights from the Dutch colonial government failed Nilo Peçanha as governor of the Amazonas colony begins organizing a militia to attack the Dutch as a unified force.
The region had already claimed the lives of dozens of settlers, as tensions mounted between various settlements. On multiple occasions tensions mounted to the point of open skirmishes on the River Amazon Greatly limiting trade along the river where various factions held ground. Peçanha's militia allowed for multiple raids across the River Amazon to deadly effect. Multiple settlements in the area held by Brazilian forces were likewise attacked in retaliation, causing fury among the nation’s government. The Empire of Brazil’s foreign minister, José Paranhos, urged Emperor Pedro and the parliament to take action, believing the nation and its coalition of allies to be powerful enough for an invasion of Guyanas.
The nation voted in 1893 for full scale war and declared war on the Kingdom of the Netherlands soon after. Following the declaration of war a contingent of soldiers from Pará was mobilized and sent along the River Amazon. This well trained military force joined alongside experienced guerrilla fighters, and full scale war broke out against a collection of Dutch towns in the vicinity. The Amazon campaign culminated in the Siege of Manaus, after the raids of the Brazilian regulars managed to cut off the city from reinforcements by river. Cut off from reinforcements down river, the city fell to Brazilian forces, unable to supply the city’s garrison. In the east the Brazilian navy was mobilized and moved north, joining the Brazilian army under Gaston d’Valois-Arc at Macapá, seized with little fighting within the first few days of the war.
Believing a full scale march into the jungle to be too costly and foolish, Gaston ordered Brazilian forces to hold the major cities in the north, electing to use local forces and militias to seize the region north of the River Amazon. The Brabanza and a detachment of six destroyers, supported by numerous other ships, was ordered to follow the coast north before engaging the Dutch regional capital at Paramaribo. The large ships caught the Dutch by surprise, and the city was shelled from the shore for several days. Having tested the waters, the entirety of the Brazilian navy was mobilized to support the battleship, and also raid along the coast. A blockade was put into effect along the Guianas coast, while the majority of the Brazilian army was still preparing in the south.
Several months into the conflict, the first Brazilian soldiers entered Paramaribo and other major cities on the coast, as the culmination of an ambitious amphibious landing. Allied forces managed to secure the western section of the country, helping to alleviate pressure on the allied landing. By the end of the year, with the territory’s capital in our possession, an interim war government was created from Brazilian officials, and the last of the Dutch colonial government was captured. Additionally, the Bragança continued north and successfully defeated a Dutch fleet in the Imperial Sea, pressuring the Dutch’s few remaining Imperial Sea possessions to surrender to our forces.
A plan was created for further intervention in Africa, with a naval dispatch being sent to the Gulf of Guinea, seizing the region’s islands, and possibly paving the way for a landing in the continent. Believing a Dutch fleet to still be operational off the coast of Hesperia in the west, Brazil began preparations for an attack on Polynesia, hoping to eliminate the threat of a western invasion of Hesperia. Over the course of the next year Brazilian naval forces engaged heavily in the Pacific Ocean, seizing Dutch possessions and aiding in battles across the region. These actions would pave the road for the Empire of Brazil's later acquisitions in the region after the war.
By the following year the Dutch colonial government in Hesperia surrendered, with Guianas having been captured and occupied by soldiers from Brazil and Emeraldie. After the official declaration of surrender, the war focus changed completely to guerrilla fighting in the Amazon, with regular soldiers being completely replaced by militias and local forces. In Africa the islands of the Gulf of Guinea under Brazil's control became a regional base of operations for Spanish invasion of the African coast. Additionally the naval expedition launched into the Pacific Ocean, arriving in Dutch Polynesia the previous year, continued to make headway. Numerous island chains were captured, and the nation's assets began assisting the war in the Pacific against the Dutch Pacific Fleet.
The war jump started the nation’s economy, with war time industries heavily increasing. The war also proved heavily profitable for Hesperia cash crop industries, as Guianas’ own plantations were seized to supply our own war ambitions. Although initially many republicans advocated for Brazilian neutrality, in order to preserve and maintain markets for the export of coffee and other crops, the conflict was now seen as a way to create possible new markets in Africa and the Pacific, and the Brazilian government was prepared to negotiate terms involving trade rights in the Netherlands and their former empire.
With the war ending in general success for Brazil and its allies, a conference at The Hague was proposed to begin negotiating peace. A large delegation, including Dom Pedro I himself, Pinheiro Machado as prime minister, José Paranhos as foreign minister, Gaston d’Valois-Arc as minister of war, Henry Bartle Frere as deputy to the minister of war, João da Cruz e Sousa on behalf of Nilo Peçanha, governor of the Amazonas, and as provincial foreign minister, and Fernando Octavio de L Menezes, Professor of International Law at Santa Cruz, was sent to peace negotiations. In the ensuing Treaty of The Hague the Empire of Brazil received a complete fulfillment of its war goals, including territorial concessions in Guianas, Africa, and the Pacific.
In order to create a military ally in Europe that could remain strong against French expansion and communist influences, the Kingdom of the Netherlands proper was allowed to retain its territorial integrity and military assets, and was even aided financially by allied forces. The peace called for defensive complexes on the southern border with France, at the expense of demilitarization on the eastern border with Germany if deemed necessary by the Dutch state, to counter a potential French threat to the Kingdom of the Netherlands, with renovation overseen by the allied powers, and funds and expertise provided for its construction. For the most part the Netherlands also retained its navy, although certain concessions were made, including the partitioning of the nation's colonial fleet in Hesperia among Brazil and others.
In Hesperia the Empire of Brazil negotiated for the concession of all areas claimed by Brazilian settlers. This included the Amapá region to the Empire of Brazil, as well as all settlements and claims on the River Amazon and its surrounding area. Additionally Guianas ceded all land intersecting or interfering with the claims of the Colonial Government of Amazonas, and any land claimed by the Seringueiros of the Amazonas. The remainder of the former Dutch colony became the Kingdom of Guiana, an independent nation ruled by by Pedro I's brother Fernando of House Bragança. This new state was politically and economically tied to the Empire of Brazil, operating an open trade zone with the nations of Hesperia, and limiting economic influences and freedoms of European, Borealian, and other foreign markets within its borders. Additionally the Kingdom of Guiana was admitted into the Second Hesperian League, and signed the Cuzco-Santa Cruz Accords.
Economically the Empire of Brazil heavily profited from the war in the region, gaining a huge advantage over agricultural markets through the seizure of Guianan plantations, and the assurance that Guiana in the future would remain economically dependent on Brazil. Additionally Guiana split a portion of its income from the exportation of agricultural goods, precious metals, raw materials, and other resources between Emeraldie and the Empire of Brazil equally, further profiting Brazil. Most importantly in the north of Hesperia, Brazilian ministers negotiated a complete future border between the various states of the continent, ensuring peace between Emeraldie, Brazil, and Andea for the foreseeable future.
In the Pacific the islands of Dutch Polynesia, Samoa, Vanuatu, Tuvalu, Kiribati, and Nauru would be ceded to the Empire of Brazil officially, while soon after the war Brazilian forces would additionally seize the Northern Mariana Islands and the island of Guam from Dutch forces. In Africa all remaining Dutch islands or claims in the Indian Ocean, aside from Mauritius, Réunion and Tromelin, and all islands in the Sea of Guinea, were ceded to the Empire of Brazil.
Era of Imperialism
Following the conclusion of the Amazonas War with the Treaty of The Hague, the Empire of Brazil experienced a strong economic boom, brought on by the opening of new international markets, and the creation of a near monopoly on Hesperian agricultural products. In the colonial territory of Amazonas, continued settlement by the Seringueiros was spearheaded by military officer and famed explorer, Cândido Rondon, who successfully opened up diplomatic relations with native tribes all across the region. Under Rondon, Brazilians for the first time charted and settled the tributaries of the River Amazon, and managed to connect these distant regions with the urbanized east.
Cândido Rondon, had served as a former engineer in Mato Grosso, and as a military commander during the Amazonas War. For this distinction he was appointed as head of the Amazona’s far west territories, and personally mapped most of the vast region. Rondon successfully pacified a number of hostile Brazilian tribes in the far west, and helped to lay thousands of miles of telephone lines and other communication technologies into the remote Amazonas. Expeditions under Cândido Rondon would also discover a number of important tributaries of the River Amazon, reaching Andea by river and connecting a number of distant tribes.
The turn of the century saw the expansion of the coffee plantations farther west, where deforestation efforts had successfully cleared a the once hostile frontier. The first railroads west were also created during this time, providing essential transportation for agricultural commodities, as well as transport of immigrants and settlers. Likewise a rubber boom was spurred by the end of the Amazonas War, which radically reshaped the economy of the Amazon region. The city of Manaus, a major settlement on the River Amazon founded by the Dutch decades earlier, became the forefront of the rubber boom, being transported into a rich, progressive urban center. The city became a major port for exportation of Amazonas goods, and by the late nineteenth century had become the official capital of the colonial government. Additionally the rubber boom caused the growth of private estates as the nation the nation's usual form of land tenure, created trade networks across the continent, and displaced or assimilated the native population.
The Coronelismo, or "rule of the coronels", the system of machine politics in Brazil, which had dominated its agricultural economy since the República Velha (Old Republic) of 1866 to 1891, profited heavily off expansion of rubber and coffee plantations. The boss system of patronage being centralized in the hands of Brazil's local oligarchs and capitalists, especially in the southwest of the nation, came to dominate the nation's political landscape as well. During the Old Republic Era the central government had been watered down to the point of inefficiency, in favor of a strengthened network of local agrarian oligarchies.
The influence of the colonels in Brazil transferred into the imperial era, with oligarchs continuing to hold sway in the parliament, where they would dispersed political favors in exchange for loyalty. This is apparent in the first several prime ministers of the empire, who all rose to power from the rich or populous states of Brazil, often São Sebastião do Rio de Janeiro, Santa Cruz, Espírito Santo, Campos Gerais, or Bahia de Todos os Santos, where industries such as coffee plantations and dairy interests were prevalent.
The early imperial era was also dominated by the nation's attempts to create a system of government acceptable to the nation's many factions, and feasible for a national government. Under the Old Republic the nation had an increase in provincial autonomy, at the expense of national centralization. Initially Pedro I sought to appease the nation's elite by allowing for a continued policy of Coronelismo, championed by such Republicans as Pinheiro Machado and Antônio Saraiva, first and second prime ministers of the empire respectively, however, by the turn of the century the need for rapid industrialization became apparent, and the emperor attempted to break the concentration of power held by the agrarian provinces.
These efforts were heralded by the nation's urban middle classes, who likewise sought to seize power from the coffee oligarchs. A growing philosophy among Brazil's intelligentsia called for the forging of a modern, industrialized society, influenced by the tenets of European positivism and agro-capitalists. Emperor Pedro I removed Antônio Saraiva from power in late 1894, and instead promoted the rapidly growing Conservative Party. The conservatives included Republicans and urban middle class citizens who resented the control of the coffee plantations, and sought to increase industry elsewhere, at the expense of these agricultural fields if necessary. The party's first leader, João Maurício Vanderlei, served as prime minister for much of 1895, however fell out of favor among his party for his inability to compromise with the Republicans. His replacement, Afonso Celso, a young lawyer from São Salvador, likewise fell out of favor, before the party finally settled on Manuel Deodoro da Fonseca, a former military officer from Nova Lusitânia.
As a northerner, Fonseca heavily opposed the southern colonels much to the satisfaction of the conservatives and the Emperor alike. Under Fonseca Brazil gradually expanded its colonial empire. With the signing of the Treaty of The Hague the nation had gained a number of territories in Africa and the Pacific, which Fonseca increased national control over at the expense of local autonomy. To defend the growing empire an increase in military spending followed, with Brazilian naval assets in particular being heavily expanded. Military installations and ports were constructed in various territories to facilitate a military presence in the Pacific and Atlantic oceans.
In 1896 Fonseca championed the Guano Islands Act, allowing any citizen of the empire the right to take possession of islands containing guano deposits, backed up by the Brazilian military. The act decreed that Baker Island, the French Frigate Shoals, Howland Island, Jarvis Island, Johnston Atoll, Kingman Reef/Danger Rock, Midway Atoll, Navassa Island, Palmyra Atoll, Bajo Nuevo Bank, Serranilla Bank, and Swains Island belonged to the Empire of Brazil. This decree was followed by the Atlantic Ocean Islands Act later that year, which officially occupied the Saint Peter and Paul Rocks, Rocas Atoll, Fernando de Noronha, and Tridade and Martin Vaz.
The largest and most influential expansion in the Pacific region came in 1897, with the Treaty of Porto Vila, also known as the Porto Vila Compact. The culmination of a conference held in the city among representatives of Brazil's various miscellaneous Pacific territories, the treaty created the Pacific Union, an international economic and political union among Brazilian territories, and granted semi autonomy and protectorate status to each member nation. Under the treaty, the colonial protectorates of Polynesia, Samoa, Cabo Verde, Ilhas Pará, São Leopoldo, and Ilhas Pátria were officially entered into the Pacific Union. As part of the treaty Brazil began rapid expansion of military capabilities on the island nations, and also sent naval expeditions to seize Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands.
During this time the first expedition to Antarctica was launched, with Brazilian sailors charting the coast of the continent south of Hesperia. Preparations were made for further exploration of the continent, with ships landing in the OTL Waddel Sea, named the Ferreira Sea after lead explorer Alexandre Rodrigues Ferreira. A second expedition to Antarctica was sent, landing in the Ferreira Sea, which named the entire plateau surrounding the South Pole the Terra de Pedro in honor of Emperor Pedro I. A joint Guiana-Brazilian expedition led by Vitor Negrete landed in OTL Droning Maud Land and named the region Terra de Rei Fernando after the Emperor’s brother. A third expedition was launched in 1898, commanded by Pedro Possuelo, which landed in the Ferreira Sea near OTL Belgrando II. A base camp was established near the landing site to act as a permanent structure that would be temporarily settled by Brazilian scientists and explorers throughout the year.
The area in the immediate vicinity was nicknamed Terra de Rondon after the Brazilian hero and explorer Cândido Rondon (OTL Coat’s Land). After traveling across the Antarctic Plateau, the Terra de Pedro, after several months of travel Possuelo’s expedition reached the South Pole, and after a brief stay began the return journey back to the base camp, now known as Paranhos after the empire’s first foreign minister. At the same time a concurrent expedition under Afonso Gonçalves Baldaia landed in the OTL South Orkney Islands, which he called the Rochas Sagrados. Baldaia’s expedition landed east of Possuelo’s, and he set up another temporary camp at OTL Halley. Rather than march on the pole, Baldaia charted out the coastal region. On his return journey Baldaia followed the coast of Antarctica to the tip of Hesperia, landing on OTL King George Island, which he names Ilha do Príncipe Afonso.
During this time the Brazilians competed against rival expeditions from Germany and Spain, leading to the foreign minister Paranhos stating to German officials in 1898 that the Empire of Brazil would respect German claims, as long as the Brazilian claims were respected. It was agreed between both nations that Spain’s weak claim to the entire continent was frivolous, although the nation remained willing to recognize a more logical Spanish claim. It was also assessed that neither side would be willing to war over such a valueless continent, however these discussions paved the way for future discussions over the continent in the future.
In 1900 Fonseca stepped down and the conservatives faced a political coalition of Republicans, leading Emperor Pedro to select Republican moderate José de Morais. Morais' attempts to undo conservative policies of protectionism angered the industrialists and working class of the nation, and he was replaced by Conservative candidate, Floriano Peixoto, who had been a leading figure under Fonseca. Peixoto increased centralization of power and nationalism, and in 1901 a rebellion broke out in the south of the nation, led by Antônio Maciel and military officer Antônio Moreira César, who sought to preserve the rule of the oligarchs. The rebellion failed to take shape, and within a few months had largely been suppressed. Under the guise of preserving the peace, Peixoto was able to halt government processes and crackdown on militant Republicans, breaking the influence of the southerners.
The parliament of 1901 and 1902 was far more inclusive and representative of the middle class, and a more interventionist and centralized state was born. In addition to seizures of oligarch property in the south, which the Emperor either held for profit or broke up into smaller estates, the rule of the colonels was broken. Additionally the Republican Party was fractured, and dissolved into a number of different political factions. Peixoto's government was able to employ tax breaks, lower duties, and import quotas to expand the domestic capital base. Over the course of the next decade control of the nation's farms transitioned into the hands of small institutions, leading to an evolution in the earlier Granjeiro Movement. Smaller farms called for the regulation, or even in some cases nationalization, of the nation's railroads, currency inflation to provide debt relief, lower tariffs, and the establishment of low-interest lending facilities. This new movement became known as Populismo (Populism), and quickly spread among Brazil's lower and middle classes.
By 1903 a new party had emerged, the Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro (Brazilian Labour Party), which called for populist values, although also remained focused on the conflict with the coronels to draw attention from the largely conservative government. The now defunct Republican Party grew into two major factions, the largest being the Sebastião Republican Party under Campos Sales. Sales' supporters called for republicanism and liberal reforms to improve the nation, but also traditional regionalism and agrarianism, holding the rule of the coronels to be beneficial and profitable, even if exploitative. Sales was countered by the supporters of Afonso Pena, known as non-Unionists, for their hesitance to accept the peace of 1902, who founded the Bahian Republican Party. Pena's faction held similar ideals as Sales', however was non liberal, more heavily traditional, and highly supportive of less centralized government.
In 1903 Floriano Peixoto stepped down as Prime Minister, and Campos Sales was appointed his successor, after he appealed to populists and Labour supporters for his liberal policies, while gaining approval of the oligarchs to a small degree. Sales managed to defeat the heavily reformist populists, who called the gold standard a "crucifixion of mankind on a cross of gold," and championed silver and free trade, due to their alienation of the former Republicans, while the Conservatives were unconvincing to a reform-minded population
The balance under Sales was maintained by allowing an unprecedented amount of compromise between both sides. Under Sales a period of deescalation continued among the coronels, as Brazil shifted its focus from agriculture to manufacturing. Populism also remained important to Sales' government, which promoted the middle class at the expense of the oligarchy, without outright opposing its existence. Sales relied heavily on the policies of statist-interventionist policies created by Peixoto to promote industry and satisfy the rapidly growing urban middle class, as well as expand the domestic industrial base. From a domestic standpoint many of Sales' policies were heavily conservative, as he increased tariffs to protect Brazilian manufacturing, albeit on the guise of Brazilian nationalism, and also lowered regulations to increase capitalist growth.
Socially however Sales championed a number of important reforms. Policies to aid the poor were created, as well as efforts to increase literacy and education. During this time schools were modernized on the local level, which went hand-in-hand with the growth of the middle class, who remained weary of both the business elite and the radical political movements of the farmers and laborers. The enforcement of railroad regulations and antitrust laws quelled the populists, and regulatory agencies were created to aid in this process. By the early twentieth century numerous policies were put in place to increase quality of life nation wide, which was partially financed by the passage of an income tax, particularly on the rich oligarchs.
Around the turn of the century communism and socialism had begun to spread to Lower Borealia and Hesperia, culminating in a revolution in Mexaca. In 1901 the Empire of Brazil began its first intervention in Latin America to protect capitalist interests, sending naval assets to the Imperial Sea and northern Brazil to monitor the situation. In what would become known as the Roatán Incident of 1901, multiple Mexacan ships under the control of the communist revolutionaries would open fire on the Brazilian convoy, leading to a brief exchange of fire. A few casualties would be reported among the Brazilian navy, causing outrage among the government. Financial aid and advisers were provided to democratic elements within the nation, with the Mexacan opposition being reformed into the Partido Liberal Mexacano.
The conflict continued to escalate, with skirmishes and acts of violence spilling over across the border into Emeraldie. This prompted the Brazilian government to position ground troops in the area, believing socialist insurgents may be infiltrating northern Emeraldie to establish training camps. By the following year Brazilian efforts had effectively eliminated the power of the socialists in Mexaca, allowing for a return to a capitalist and democratic nation, heavily friendly to Brazilian industries.
During this time further upgrades of the navy and its facilities continued, with modern shipyards having been completed in São Sebastião, Santa Cruz, Vitória, Belém, São Salvador, Santa Catarina, Fortaleza, and São Luís. Having become increasingly dominated by the battleship and its four heavy armaments of twelve inch calibre, a secondary armament of six to eighteen quick-firing guns of between 4.7 inches and 7.5 inches calibre, and other smaller weapons, the navy began a transition to task forces largely centered around these large ships. Experiences from the war with the Dutch concluded that medium-calibre armaments, around six inches, and quick-firing at short range, has become the primary weapon of choice at sea, especially after the Brazilian raid on the Guianas coast, in which firing did not commence until ships were within 4,000 meters. This range was gradually closed to increase accuracy, and with a high rate of fire these ships were able to achieve major success during the war.
In order to increase the time in which Brazilian ships engage in the future, future designs began to employ torpedoes effective in increased distances. The next evolutionary step came when the quick-firing secondary battery was replaced by additional heavy guns up to ten inches. Possible refurbishing of older battleships as considered to match the nation's current ships to this standard. A second plan was created that proposed the addition of eight, twelve-inch guns in twin turrets, or alternatively twelve, ten-inch guns in twin turrets, mounted at the ends and wings of the ship. The design focus of future battleships was forever changed to implement these larger configurations, increasing both the striking power and range of each ship. Each future ship was to have a more uniform caliber as well, helping to streamline fire control. In 1901 a naval committee began working on a new design for these so called all-big-guns battleships, a revolutionary new take on the ship’s design. The committee’s design called for a twelve-inch main battery with anti-torpedo-boat guns but no intermediate calibres, with considerations made to reach an overall speed of twenty-one knots.
Despite difficulties positioning the ships’ guns, the final design had twelve, twelve-inch guns, along with twenty-two, twelve pounders as secondary armament. The Committee also called for steam turbine propulsion, a move considered unprecedented in a large warship. The greater efficiency of the turbines meant the twenty-one knot design speed could be achieved in a smaller and cheaper ship than if reciprocating engines were to be used. This new ship was laid down later that year, and was called the Fortaleza. In order to maximize construction resources were set aside before hand, or even pre constructed, and ships were constructed in an alternating pattern so that no one ship took too long to produce. Additionally in 1901, the Brazilian company Companhia Brasileira de Cartuchos created the the first Brazilian machine gun, based on popular designs in Europe, although lighter and with a simplified action. Parts of this new gun substitutd heavy pieces for stronger high strength alloys, and a muzzle booster was also added.
Expansion in South Africa
The first Brazilian settlement in southern Africa, officially within Zulu territory, was the city of Porto Natal, founded on the eastern coast of South Africa. Although falling into Brazilian possession in the early 1900s, the area had been heavily inhabited by the Estancieros, descendants of the original Spanish and Dutch settlers of Cape Ferdinand. As South Africa had been largely settled by Europeans since the 1500s, the region housed a substantial population of Spanish and Dutch inhabitants, as well as other immigrants, even after the fall of Spanish and later Dutch hierarchy.
In 1832 the Republic of Cape Ferdinand was founded as a presidential republic in the southwest tip of the region. As the first "Estancieros Republic", Cape Ferdinand was nominally a vassal of the Dutch Empire, however no longer recognized the Dutch monarch as the head of state. The rest of South Africa, also settled by large populations of Estancieros, was less organized, and plagued by native attacks. Additionally the Estancieros migrated further inland, led by Vinicius Cilliers, founder of the city of Vinicia, and other leaders. Cilliers would be elected the first president of the Estancieros Free State Union, a union of Estancieros communities in northeast South Africa in 1855.
In 1895 the Treaty of The Hague, which largely dismantled the failing Dutch Empire, recognized Cape Ferdinand's separation from the Netherlands, and was subjugated by the nation of Andea. The Estancieros Free State Union however remained independent and prosperous, bordering the Zulu Empire to the southeast, where the Brazilian government now sought to intervene.
Brazil's colonization of South Africa was largely to take advantage of the discovery of diamonds and other precious metals and natural resources. As Brazilian mining interests grew, often through trade with the friendly Estancieros Free State Union, a Brazilian military presence swiftly grew in the region, to combat against Zulu attacks and maintain security for European mining operations. In 1901 Porto Natal's governor, José Luís Mena Barreto began planning for military intervention against the Zulu, who believed could be easily subjugated into a Brazilian colony, allowing additional labor for plantations and mines in the region. Henry Bartle Frere, a veteran of the Brazilian command from the earlier Guianas War, was transferred to South Africa and placed in command of a contingent of Brazilian land forces to oversee an operation against the Zulu.
Frere purposely patrolled deep into Zulu land in an effort to provoke them into attack, in turn turning Brazil's local population and its colonial government in favor of military action. The Zulu by this time had managed to army themselves with old Dutch and Scandinavian arms, forming paramilitary groups for raids into Andean and Brazilian land, largely targeting settlers. This threat to colonial expansion led to the Brazilian colonial government calling for the disarmament of the Zulu to protect Brazilian interests in the region. Later that same year Commander Manuel Marques de Sous was dispatched into Zulu territory to deliver an ultimatum to the natives, demanding they turn in their weapons and war making technology, and accept humiliating concessions and reparations.
When this was quickly rejected, Manuel Marques de Sous marched his way back to the coast while burning the countryside in retreat. Cows particularly were captured or slaughtered, and the natives’ largely non-native crops are burned. Manuel Marques de Sous’ slow march however makes him an easy target, and when he returned to Porto Natal he has significantly less men then when he had began the expedition. Nonetheless the operation was successful in instigating war. To bolster Brazilian numbers the Estancieros were contracted to fight as skirmishers and guerrilla fighters, due to their advanced knowledge of the surrounding area.
By the end of 1901 the Zulu had been pushed from the coast and largely driven back. A naval bombardment and subsequent amphibious landing across Zulu territory managed to take the natives by complete surprise, allowing the main Brazilian contingent to prepare for a long march into enemy territory. The Zulu regrouped and were lured south toward Porto Natal, where a siege ensued. The Brazilian garrison inside was able to prepare a quick defense, and with the Zulu lured into attacking the city, Cartuchos machine guns and artillery were employed to cut down the enemy in large amounts. By the end of the Battle of Porto Natal the majority of the Zulu army was left dead, in addition to their king. Following the battle the war against the Zulu largely shifted to the Estancieros and other light units, who were used to chase down guerrilla fighters.
World War One
World War Two
Lusofonia Comunidade (1957)
Congo Crisis (1963 - )
After World War Two the most vocal nations in favor of independence from the Empire of Brazil originated in Central Africa, particularly in the states of Mbandaka and the Congo, where Brazilians historically had the least influence and cultural impact. Combined with elements of racial segregation, a system in which white immigrants were treated superior to black natives, and Brazil's grip over the region for natural resources and manpower during World War Two, created heavy dissidence in urban areas. Additionally the countries had experienced a high rate of urbanization during the last two decades of colonial rule, spearheaded by colonial administration and development programs, which sought to modernize the region.
By the end of World War Two the Congo had a wage labor force twice as large as many other African colonies collectively. In terms of natural resources the region had been home to a large portion of Brazil's diamond and precious metal industries, and had been the source of much of Brazil's uranium used for the Brazilian nuclear weapons program at the end of World War Two and in the subsequent decade. As such Brazil took special interest in the Congo following the war as the nuclear age developed. The introduction of Gabon and Camarões into the Brazilian empire, created from the former German colony of Kameroon, placed the Congo in a position of power in the region, taking part in the military occupation and reshaping of the former German colony's administrative offices. As such the Congo had the second largest active military presence in Africa second only to Kameroon and parts of Spanish West Africa.
The creation of the Lusofonia Comunidade in 1957 further sparked Congolese independence movements, as the former Brazilian Empire now had an organization dedicated to the eventual withdraw of Brazilian administration and the gradual decolonization of Africa. The following year the Congolese National Movement was founded as a political party dedicated to Congolese nationalism, at a time when much of the region's politics were divided among geographical and racial lines. A similar party was formed in Mbandaka, known as the West-Congo Alliance. The WCA was notably more radical than its eastern counterpart, calling for immediate withdraw of Brazilian government, and the promotion of native Africans in society. Additionally Congoloese nationalists called for a union of colonies in the region who shared similar experiences under Brazilian rule. Although this was not granted during the Brazilian administration, the colonial governments of Mbandaka, the Congo, and Garanganja grew increasingly close throughout the late 1950s.
Notable smaller parties such as the Congolese Union Party called for a union of these colonies, gradual independence, and state federalism, also grew into popular movements. The primary Congolese nationalist party, the CNM, surged to 60,000 members by 1961, however splintered into numerous factions in the coming year, as infighting between moderates and more radical members broke apart the party. One CNM leader, Afonso Kalonji, led a defection from the party to a more radical and militant faction, known as CNM-Kalonji, which based itself in the southern Congo, near the Garanganja border. Kalonji was popular among the Luba ethnic group, and those who called for immediate independence, leading to a moderate growth in popularity.
In early 1962 the Mbandaka Riots broke out in the colony's capital, which escalated into violence. The riots signified the nationalist movement's spread outside the major cities for the first time, and led to further escalations of violence. Additionally the white minority began forming militia groups to protect their communities, however these organizations largely led to attacks on blacks. Later that month a conference was held in Sao Sebastião to arrange for further autonomy in the Congo region, in which the leaders of the major factions were present. The meeting ended without a formal agreement, and in the Congo violence and political activism increased heavily.
In 1963 the nations of Mbandaka, Centro-Africana, and the Congo were both granted independence, and were united into one state under two prime ministers. Brazilian Armed Forces however were hesitant to withdraw, after taking part in a joint Lusofonia peacekeeping mission to end violence and retain order. A Brazilian organized election took place later that year in both nations, with the CNM gaining a majority in the Congo under first prime minister Patrício Lumumba. Despite the declaration of independence, both the Brazilian government and the newly independent republic took steps to retain former colonial institutions, and to protect the export of Congolese resources. Many nationalists had believed independence would lead to widespread social change, and the retaining of white government officials in some offices led to widespread resentment.
This discontent was seen also in the Congolese military, with many of its primarily black units mutinying across the country. The white commanders still in place in the military sought Brazilian intervention to retain order, however Lumumba instead had many officers dismissed, promoting native Congolese to higher positions in the military and in government. This was successful in convincing the mutineers to lay down their arms in many major cities, however elsewhere in the nation the rebellion only intensified. Particularly in the east the rebellion had forced many to flee across the border into Garanganja as refugees, and Brazil began deploying paratroopers along the border to help protect these inhabitants.
In Mbandaka the prime minister José Kasa, although initially a supporter of rapid decolonization and demilitarization, welcomed the introduction of Brazilian intervention, and units from the Brazilian navy were welcomed up the Congo River to intervene against similar dissidents. Lumumba however condemned the intervention as a breach of the nation's sovereignty, leading to a rift between the two prime ministers. The further unification of the two states within the union was staled, as violence once more broke out between white settlers and native Congolese.
Matters were made worse when in 1963 a coup led by Moise Tshombe of the Confederation of Garanganja Tribes, an offshoot of the Congolese Union Party, toppled the pro-Brazilian colonial government in Januária and declared and independent republic. The mineral rich region of Garanganja not only had strong ties to Brazil and other neighboring colonies, but had a large white population and a plan for gradual independence beforehand. The sudden coup by radical nationalist movements ended these plans for continued growth and development under Brazilian guidance in favor of swift social change, leading to a general crisis.
The coup was largely believed to be backed by elements in the Congo, and was in part supported at least nominally by the newly independent government. Tshombe however was adamantly against Congolese union, believing that the resources of Garanganja belonged to the Garanganjese, which he viewed as ethnically distinct from the Congolese to the north and west. Tshombe's movement was supported by poor black inhabitants, due to his promise of keeping more of Garanganja's wealth from exports in the hands of its citizens. Additionally Tshombe appeared to be an alternative to chaos that had broken out in the Congo, and was supported for an authoritarian adherence to order.
Fearing nationalization under the Brazilian colonial faction of Vítor Salamay after independence, Garanganja's rich mining industry had already beguns upporting the CGT long before Tshombe's rise to power. A few months later Afonso Kalonji and his political supporters declared the independent state of South Kasai, as the first secessionist movement in the new Republic of the Congo. As a fellow mining region and opponent of Brazilian rule, South Kasai formed an alliance with independent Garanganja, based around the city of Bakwanga. Inhabited largely by the Luba ethnic group, Kilonji claimed the secession was sparked by the persecution of the Baluba across the Congo.
In the north the independent former colony of Centro-Africana declared its independence from the Union of the Congo under military dictator João Bokassa, whose coup and military takeover further distracted the central government put in place in the Congo. In late 1963 the Lusofonia Comunidade voted on a resolution to restore order in the region through military action, and a coalition of allies led by the Empire of Brazil was organized under João Figueiredo. Initially Figueiredo was reluctant to use military force to intervene against political infighting within the Congo itself, leading to Lumumba's appeal to the nation of Scandinavia for supplies and arms. The Scandinavians responded by sending some 1,000 advisers to the Congo, as well as a large supply of weapons, logistical, and material support.
Figueiredo's coalition launched a ground invasion from Camarões into the northern region of Centro-Africana, known as Porciúncula, leading to a swift disintegration of Bokassa's regime. In early 1964 Bokassa surrendered to Brazilian coalition forces, which separated Centro-Africana into two independent nations. Additionally Bokassa was to hold elections the following year, adopt a parliamentary, constitutional government, and heavily demilitarize. The last term would be largely ignored by Bokassa, due to a perceived threat from the neighboring Congo, although the nation as a result was forced to endure a Lusofonia no-fly zone as well as monitoring from peacekeeping forces.
At the same time in the southern Congo, Lumumba had launched a heavily successful invasion of South Kasai, which ultimately resulted in the massacre of thousands of Luba inhabitants as well. The conflict resulted in a prolonged refugee crisis, as well as strife between the Congo and Garanganja. Lumumba's partnership with Scandinavia led to further allegations that he was a socialist, and the Brazilian government began fearing a possible loss of the Congo to a socialist or even Scandinavian republic. As such in late 1963 the peacekeeping mission in Centro-Africana was expanded into the Mbandaka.
With mounting pressure from the Lusofonia to remove Lumumba from power, both Tshombe and Kalonji appealed to Kasa to assume sole control of the Congo, as he was believed to be a supporter of federalism and less sympathetic to socialism as his counterpart. With support from the Brazilian government, Kasa declared Lumumba to be deposed in September 1963, with the controversy of the raids against the Luba in his favor. Both national parliaments, as well as the majority of the population, rejected this declaration, as Lumumba was still widely popular compared to Kasa.
With both Lumumba and Kasa now at odds, a coup was launched by military leader José Mobutu, which attempted to replace both leaders with his own personal rule as backed up by the military. Mobutu ordered all Scandinavian personnel to vacate the Congo, and claimed to be only temporarily replacing both prime ministers. In practice however the move placed Mobutu and Kasa in a position to oust Lumumba, while Kasa was weakened by a semi-occupation by Brazilian forces. By early 1964 Brazilian forces had occupied Mbandaka, while the Congolese had united its remaining territory against Bokassa and other factions. Kasa was declared the sole prime minister of Mbandaka and the Congo, however de facto control still lay in the hands of Mobutu, who was in command of the military.
Tsombe called for a new union of the Congo independent of Brazilian influence, however the intervention in the region had made that goal seemingly unattainable. Supporters of Lumumba and members of the CNM fled to the city of Kisigani and formed a rival government in opposition to the pro-Brazilian union in Mbandaka. Lumumba attempted to flee to Kisingani to rally his supporters and retake the country, however he was captured and later killed on the orders of Tsombe. This development led to additional Lusofonia escalation in the region, while Antônio Gizenga assumed command of Lumumba's supporters in Kisigani.
Gizenga reaffirmed ties to Scandinavian Kongo, whose soldiers bolstered his own in the south of the Congo. Although Tsombe had initially been at odds with Lumumba and his faction, Tsombe aligned himself with his successor Gizenga, to mutually fight against the pro-Brazilian coalition. Tsombe's attempts to take over mining industries in the region, as well as his policies of racial conflict across the border led to a war against the Rhodésia Confederation, a union of Zimbabwe, Rhodésia and Barotzilândia, supported by Tanzânia and others. Gizenga's government and the central government under Kasa both profited from the collapse of Garanganja, as Kasa sought to renew attacks against the weakened adversary, and Gizenga supposedly was protecting the independent ally's interest from enemy occupation through one of its own.
Incidents between Congolese forces and coalition forces resulted in further deterioration of international relations, while massacres against the Luba led to the fall of South Kasai by the end of the year, and further condemnation. In late 1964 a second resolution by the Lusofonia Communidade ordered the use of full military force to retain order in the Congo, and rejected the sovereignty of the Garanganjese state under Tsombe. The resolution was an effort to prevent full out civil war, and put an end to ethnic cleansing being perpetrated by factions on both sides. The first overarching operation against the Garanganjese saw the Brazilian bombing of the southern Congo, in an effort to deter Garanganjese forces and halt the flow of supplies from the Scandinavian Kongo. Brazilian forces were deployed in South Kasai, ending Gizenga-Garanganjese occupation of the region and its restoration to the Union of the Congo.
Coalition forces went on to dismantle roadblocks and other strategic positions along the border. With Brazilian forces advancing into Garanganja and no doubt seeking to end Tsombe's independent regime, Tsombe called for a conference with Congolese rulers and surrendered his state to a potential union with the Congo. Within two months Garanganja was occupied by the Brazilian coalition, with the last stronghold of Kolwezi being taking on 21 October. With the surrender of Tsombe it was left unclear if Garanganja was a rightful part of the Congo or an independent state. Gizenga claimed the region for his fledgling republic, while occupying forces created a de facto independent region under military rule.
|Name||Location||Date Built||Final Fate|
|Christ the Redeemer||Sao Sebastião||1922 - 1931||Still intact|
|Itaipu Dam||Paraná River||1975 - 1984||Still intact|
|Calcanhar Lighthouse||Touros||1912 - 1916||Still intact|
|Basilica of the National Shrine of Our Lady of Santa Cruz||Santa Cruz||1955 - 1980||Still intact|
|St. Peter's Basilica||Sao Sebastião||1744 - 1962||Still intact|
|Fortaleza Cathedral||Fortaleza||1809 - 1914||Still intact|
|Cathedral of Saint John the Divine||Vitória||1894 - Present||Under Construction|
|Ilha Fiscal||Sao Sebastião||1892 - 1900||Still intact|
|Santa Catarina Bridge||Santa Catarina||1922 - 1926||Still intact|
|Jerónimos Monastery||Sao Sebastião||1799 - 1903||Still intact|
|Paço de São Cristóvão||Sao Sebastião||1803 - 1808||Still intact|
|Santa Catarina Tower||Santa Catarina||1900 - 1904||Still intact|
|Name||Location||Date Built||Final Fate|
|Lisbon Cathedral||Lisbon, Portugal||1922 - 1931||Still intact|
|Castle of Guimarães||Guimarães, Braga||10th century||Still intact|
|Óbidos Castle||Óbidos, Leiria||1195||Still intact|
|Batalha Monastery||Batalha, Leiria||1385||Still intact|
|Alcobaça Monastery||Alcobaça, Leiria||1153||Still intact|
|Pena National Palace||Sintra, Lisbon||1838||Still intact|
|Name||Location||Date Built||Final Fate|
- John (1773 - 1834) - Marie-Louise von Liechtenstein (1782 - 1850)
- Pedro (1800 - 1871) - Antonia Visconti (1823 - 1890)
- Pedro I, Emperor of Brazil (1834) - Isabel
- Maria (1863) - Gaston d'Valois-Arc (1860)
- Pedro de Alcântara (1883) - Louise von Saxe-Colburg-Gotha (1880)
- Afonso (1903)
- Adelgundes (1905)
- Luíza Vitória (1885)
- Antônio Gastão (1888)
- Luis (1890)
- Pedro de Alcântara (1883) - Louise von Saxe-Colburg-Gotha (1880)
- Pedro II, Emperor of Brazil (1870 - 1946) - Maria of Aveiro
- Isabel (1903)
- Afonso I (1906 - 1953)
- Isabel (1873) - Charles Trastamara-Wittelsbach, King of Algeria (1873)
- Fernando (1874 - 1946)
- Manuel I (1908 - 1962) - Maria IV of Portugal (1910 - 1974)
- Luíza (1940)
- Pedro (1942 - 1961)
- Isabel (1943)
- Adelgundes (1945)
- Sebastião I (1948), Emperor of Brazil and Portugal
- Manuel I (1908 - 1962) - Maria IV of Portugal (1910 - 1974)
- Afonso (1878)
- Maria (1890)
- Maria (1863) - Gaston d'Valois-Arc (1860)
- Fernando I, King of Guiana (1836 - 1906) - Charlotte von Habsburg-Nassau-Orleans (1840)
- João I, King of Guiana (1858) - Carolina van Wassenaer (1860)
- Paulo (1880) - Charlotte von Saxe-Colburg-Gotha
- Fernando (1900)
- Maria (1902)
- Sebastião (1905)
- Sebastião (1882)
- Antónia (1883)
- Maria Ana (1886)
- Joana (1890)
- Paulo (1880) - Charlotte von Saxe-Colburg-Gotha
- Miguel (1863) - Teresa Velho Cabral (1859)
- Leopoldo (1884)
- Maria (1885)
- Eugénio (1887)
- Maria (1866) - Petar Krešimir VII Trpimirović
- João I, King of Guiana (1858) - Carolina van Wassenaer (1860)
- Afonso (1844) - Margarita Cabral de Melo (1850)
- Paulo (1870)
- Luis (1874)
- Januária (1875) - Pedro Manuel de Ataíde (1870)
- Augusto (1896)
- Luis (1900)
- Isabel (1903)
- Emmanuel (1877)
- Pedro I, Emperor of Brazil (1834) - Isabel
- Pedro (1800 - 1871) - Antonia Visconti (1823 - 1890)
- Second Hesperian league
- Treaty of Porto Vila (Colonial Territories/Protectorates)
- Cabo Verde (Vanatu)
- Ilhas Pará (Tuvalu)
- Ilhas São Leopoldo (Kiribati)
- Ilhas Pátria (Nauru)
- Kingdom of Spain
- Kingdom of Guiana (Treaty of the Hague)
States of Brazil
|Location||Empire of Brazil|
The Empire of Brazil is divided into eleven states, or Federative Units (Portuguese: Unidades Federativas), and three colonial territories, collectively known as the Territory of Amazonas. The borders of each states are generally based on historical, conventional borders which have developed over time, whereas in the Amazonas the borders were largely developed by the "Great Migration" by the Seringueiros, who settled the territories of Mato Grosso, Amazonas, and Amapá in the late nineteenth century.
Under Portuguese rule the colony of Brazil was divided by hereditary captaincies (capitanias hereditárias), which were stretches of land with a charter to colonize the land granted to Portuguese noblemen or merchants. These captaincies remained hereditary, so that they passed to the captain's son upon his death, however the crown of Portugal retained the right to revoke captaincies at any time. For most of the colony's history the territory of Brazil and its captaincies consisted of two divided states; São Sebastião do Rio de Janeiro and Santa Cruz, which would be administered separately for over two centuries.
Following the creation of an independent Brazil in 1866, all captaincies became provinces, a tradition that would be continued by the Empire, declared in 1891. The majority of internal borders were kept unchanged from the colonial period, generally following natural features such as rivers and mountain ridges. Brazil's borders would remain relatively unchanged until the 1894 Amazonas War with the Netherlands, which greatly expanded the nation's hold over the River Amazon and the surrounding area.
|Flag||State||Capital||Area (km²)||Population (1900)||OTL|
|São Sebastião do Rio de Janeiro||São Sebastião||Rio de Janeiro|
|Santa Cruz||Santa Cruz||Santa Cruz Cabrália|
|Espírito Santo||Vitória||Espírito Santo|
|Campos Gerais||São Vicente||Minas Gerais|
|Bahia de Todos os Santos||São Salvador||Bahia|
|Nova Lusitânia||Porto Alegre||Pernambuco, Alagoas, Sergipe|
|Paraíba||Santa Catarina||Rio Grande do Norte, Paraíba|
|Mato Grosso||Lucas do Rio Verde||Mato Grosso|
|Flag||State||Capital||Area (km²)||Population (1900)||OTL|
|Flag||State||Capital||Area (km²)||Population (1940)||OTL|
|Porto Natal||Porto Natal||82,150||2,800,000||KwaZulu-Natal|
|Solumbuso||Vinicia||9,500,000||Limpopo, Gauteng, Mpumalanga|
|Rhodésia||Rio Verde||1,000,000||West Zambia|
|São Tomé and Príncipe||São Tomé||1,001||130,000||São Tomé and Príncipe, Fernando Po|
|Ilhas Exteriores||Santiago de Anaga||211.8||~500||Outer Islands (Seychelles)|
|Flag||State||Capital||Area (km²)||Population (1900)||OTL|
|Ilhas do São Rafael||Îles de Los, Tombo Island, Gorée, Îles des Madeleines, Banana Islands|
|Rocas Atoll||Rocas Atoll|
|Fernando de Noronha||Fernando de Noronha|
|Trindade and Martin Vaz||Trindade and Martin Vaz|
|Flag||State||Capital||Area (km²)||Population (1900)||OTL|
|Samoa||Apia||Samoa, American Samoa|
|Cabo Verde||Porto Vila||Vanatu|
|Ilhas Pará||Santa Maria||Tuvalu|
|Ilhas São Leopoldo||São Leopoldo||Kiribati|
|Ilhas Pátria||São Pedro||Nauru|
|A001||Nova Lusitânia||1933||1936||1937||Nova Lusitânia-class||Active Service|
|A002||São Sebastião||1939||1942||1943||São Sebastião-class||Active Service|
|A003||Santa Cruz||1943||1945||1946||São Sebastião-class||Active Service|
|A004||Campos Gerais||1945||1947||1948||São Sebastião-class||Active Service|
|A006||São Cristóvão||1947||1949||1950||Tamandaré-class||Active Service|
|A007||Santos Franco||1948||1950||1951||Tamandaré-class||Active Service|
|B010||São Salvador||1903||1905||1906||Fortaleza-class||Scrapped 1922|
|B011||Caçador||1908||1909||1910||Caçador-class||Scrapped in 1926|
|B013||Trovão||1909||1910||1910||Caçador-class||Scrapped in 1926|
|B015||São Luís||1913||1914||1915||Belém-class||Active Service|
|B017||Cabo Verde||1918||1919||1920||Pacífico-class||Active Service|
|B018||São Leopoldo||1919||1920||1921||Pacífico-class||Active Service|
|B019||Porto Natal||1936||1937||1938||Porto Natal-class||Active Service|
|B020||Centauro||1936||1937||1938||Porto Natal-class||Active Service|
|B021||Barreto||1937||1938||1939||Porto Natal-class||Active Service|
|B023||Vila João||1941||1942||1943||Vinicia-class||Active Service|
|B004||Dom Pedro||1890||1892||1893||Bragança-class||Scrapped 1915|
|B005||São Sebastião||1892||1893||1893||São Sebastião-class||Scrapped 1916|
|B006||Santa Cruz||1892||1893||1893||São Sebastião-class||Scrapped 1916|
|B007||Campos Gerais||1892||1893||1893||São Sebastião-class||Scrapped 1917|
|Gustavo Sampaio||1890||1892||1893||República-class||Scrapped 1908|
|Mato Grosso||1892||1893||1894||Pará-class||Scrapped 1915|
|Rio Grande do Norte||1893||1894||1895||Pará-class||Scuttled 1894|
|Santa Catharina||1893||1894||1895||Pará-class||Scrapped 1915|
|Volta Redonda||1910||1911||1912||Saquarema-class||Active Service|
|Porto Real||1910||1911||1912||Saquarema-class||Active Service|
|Rio Claro||1910||1911||1912||Saquarema-class||Active Service|
|São Fidélis||1911||1912||1913||Saquarema-class||Active Service|
|Pereira da Cunha||1891||1894||1895||Pereira da Cunha-class||Scrapped 1915|
|Almirante Barroso||1895||1897||1897||Almirante Barroso-class||Scrapped 1917|
|Marcílio Dias||1889||1890||1891||Marcílio Dias-class||Scrapped 1910|
|Vital de Oliveira||1920||1921||1922||Vital de Oliveira-class||Active Service|
|Barreto de Menezes||1921||1922||1923||Orizaba-class||Active Service|
|Ironclad and Gunboats|
|Rio de Janeiro||1865||1866||1866||Rio de Janeiro-class||Sunk 1866|
|Mariz e Barros||1866||1867||1868||Mariz e Barros-class||Scrapped 1886|
|Rio Grande||1867||1867||1867||Pará-class||Sold 1895|
|Santa Catharina||1868||1868||1868||Pará-class||Scrapped 1910|
|Sete de Setembro||1868||1874||1874||Sete de Setembro-class||Scrapped 1910|