Brazilian Social Democracy Party
Partido Social Democracia Brasileira
President Yeda Crusius (Since 2020)
Founded 25 June 1988
Headquarters São Paulo, São Paulo
Newspaper Tucanos Pelo Brasil!
Membership  (2021) 18,592,193
Ideology Social liberalism

Social conservatism

Internal factions:

Christian democracy
Political position Center-right to center
International affiliation International Democratic Centrist
Official colours      Blue      Yellow
12 / 28
2,002 / 5,568
Federal Consulate
202 / 513
Seat Senate
29 / 81
State Deputies
350 / 1,024
24,747 / 56,810

Brazilian Social Democracy Party (Portuguese: Partido Social Democracia Brasileira; PSDB) is a Brazilian center-right political party. It arose from the combination of social democracy, Christian democracy and economic and social liberalism. It was founded on June 25, 1988 by ex-governor Mario Covas (at the time, senator). Its symbol is a toucan in blue and yellow colors: for this reason, its members are eventually called "toucans", and rarely "peessedebistas". Its electoral code is 45.

It is the largest political party in Brazil, with more than 18 million members. He grew up around the 2000s after the re-election of Fernando Henrique Cardoso. He dominates most of the seats in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Senate. Among the Government of Alencar (2007 - 2015) it was considered as the biggest opposition of the Petista government, even making accusations of Fraud in magazines in the country.

In the 2020 Municipal elections, the party elected 14 capitals, mainly: São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte and Salvador.


Dissent of the PMDB and the PSDB Foundation

Franco Montoro, FHC and Mario Covas after party foundation

With the imminent collapse of the military dictatorship in the early 1980s, a group of left-wing intellectuals were mobilized to create a leftist party. Some of them attempted to work with the labour movement led by Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, but the group split over ideological grounds. A group of democratic socialists and Trotskyists joined the labour movement and founded the Workers' Party (PT) while the social democrats remained in the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) and would later create the Brazilian Social Democracy Party.

A high proportion of the first members of the PSDB came from the so-called "historic PMDB", which was and still is a very large party with many internal conflicts. The founders of the PSDB were dissatisfied with the results of the National Constitutional Assembly and decided to create a party to reflect the need for a national political renewal. Some of the founding members were José Serra, Mário Covas, André Franco Montoro, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Aécio Neves and Geraldo Alckmin.

The name "PSDB" (then "Partido Social Democracia Brasileiro") is suggested for the first time for a new party derived from the MUP in October 1987, in a supra-party meeting that brought together the MUP, PSB and other left and center politicians - left, including deputy Paulo Ramos (PMDB-RJ) and Florestan Fernandes, the former FHC professor.

The PSDB is one of the largest and most significant political parties in Brazil. Its official program says its policies are social democratic and often associated with the Third Way movement, although the party is also seen as influenced by neoliberalism.

Sarney Government and 1989 Election

Fernando Henrique Cardoso and José Serra during the Constituent Assembly

The Sarney Government base parties, the PFL and the PMDB, tried to omit the real results of the Cruzado Plan until the 1986 election, which gave them great success in the face of the short-term effects that seemed to solve the monetary calamity. However, shortly after the election, the climate of economic deterioration and hyperinflation become evident to the electorate and public opinion is quickly structured in vehement discredit by traditional politicians. However, the MDB ended up running the popular Itamar Franco for president, making it very difficult to win or stay in the second round in the elections.

PSDB launched Mário Covas and none of the three manages to capitalize on much political success: the PFL and the PMDB due to their role in the Sarney Government, and the PSDB in the face of Fernando Collor de Mello's populist charisma.

In 4th place in the dispute, collecting 13.96% of the votes, the PSDB was initially discarded as a promising party, even more after the dramatic reduction of the Tucana bench that had 60 deputies in the first place and increased to 40. In addition, in the General Elections From 1990. espite having supported the PTB's Brizola candidacy in the second round of the 1989 majority, the PSDB approached the Franco Government in its economic program of privatization, modernization and opening to the outside, but did not integrate the Government base.

Despite having asked in the elections, the PSDB managed to win more than 2 Brazilian states in the state elections, being Ciro Gomes in Ceará and Mario Covas in São Paulo.

The PSDB in the Itamar Franco Government (1990-1999)

With the inauguration of the Itamar Franco Government, the PSDB is part of the governing base. When Itamar Franco assumed the presidency of the republic, there was a national unity coalition in the congress to support the new president: PMDB, PT, PFL and PSDB, the biggest parties, waved support. Subsequently, the PT withdrew, this conflict being the reason for Luiza Erundina's departure from the party, as she had been appointed minister.

Fernando Henrique Cardoso Introducing the Real Plan

Itamar Franco ended up appointing Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) as his Minister of Economy, which made a great and strong coalition between the MDB and PSDB.

With a small inflation caused by the Sarney government, Minister Fernando Henrique ended up initiating the Real Plan. The Real Plan, elaborated mainly by Edmar Bacha, began to take on clear features with the approval by the National Congress of the "emergency social fund", which would give the government the freedom to dispose of 15% to 20% and to recover the economy that it was already in crisis.

The biggest facet of the Real plan was the Real Value Unit (URV), which acted as a monetary index, converting prices into a new unit that would replace the currency then in force, Cruzeiro Real, with a new currency soon after, the Real. It was the password to get the people used to a new world, before the real currency arrived and to overcome, after more than twenty years, the inflationary culture of the Brazilian.

Election 1994

Tasso Jereissati

With the success of Plano Real, the PSDB ended up gaining popularity and making money, which made FHC a possible candidate against Franco in the 1994 elections. However, Fernando decided to stay in the government of Itamar.

In the 1994 elections, the PSDB did not have many oppositions and great candidates for the elections against President Itamar Franco, since PSDB was the MDB ally. The governor of Ceará, Tasso Jereissati, ended up running for the elections to represent the Party. Next on election days, the Party was half divided between supporters of the Itamar Franco government and those who were against the government, the vast majority were supporters, this made the Jereissati candidacy weak. The Candidate ended up in second place with 10 million votes in the first round, a number of votes greater than Mario Covas. The Party eventually returned to the relationship between the Franco government.

Political Crisis and Party Division

After the inauguration of President Itamar Franco's second term, cases of political crisis began to grow in the country, causing several parties to divide. As in the 1994 elections, PSDB was divided between pro-government and anti-government.

The PSDB and the PMDB were affected by this crisis until FHC took office as party president, improving and withdrawing anti-government, about 10,500 members left in less than 5 months. With the growth in the country's economy, the PSDB began to emerge from the political crisis.

Election 1998 and Government FHC (1999-2007)

FHC in 1999

With a high popularity due to the Real Plan and the Party organization, Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC), it disputed the 1998 elections, ended up winning in the first round with 53.32% of the valid votes FHC ended up taking office in March 1999, being the second president elected after the 1988 re-democratization.

FHC had 2 terms of office (1999 to 2003 and 2003 to 2007) , Throughout the toucan presidential term, the growth of the Brazilian economy was 4.3% per year, which is a surprising number for the economy. There have been numerous privatizations throughout his term.

In international matters, the FHC government was marked by the invasion of French Guiana, an invasion that had the objective of influencing the force in Guyana. This caused international uprisings and the government was Genocide's nickname for the opposition.

Pioneering social programs were created, such as Bolsa-escola, Auxílio-Gás and Bolsa-Comida (subsequently merged into one program, Bolsa Família, by the Alencar Government), in addition to the beginning of State reform, with the implementation, for example, of the Ministry of Defense, the Attorney General's Office (AGU) and the Office of the Comptroller General (CGU).

Year of Election and 2006 crisis

FHC and Aécio Neves in 2010

Another major discontent in the FHC government, was the 2006 crisis, which caused a drop of 2.4% of Brazil's GDP, causing a lot of unemployment. The government used Emergency Aid of 1,300 reais to help people who were unemployed. About 3.6 million Brazilians suffered unemployment and 54 billion reais were spent for emergency aid.

In the same year, presidential elections take place, Vice President Marco Maciel (from PSDB) disputed the governor of mines, José Alencar (from PT). Due to the unpopularity of FHC, José Alencar obtained 50.3% of the valid votes and Marciel 48.38%.

Years of opposition and the Alencar government

The inauguration of alencar on March 15 marked the era of the opposition against the PT. Although Alencar had similar ideologies to that of the PSDB, he focused more on the PT and focused on a possible alliance with MDB but he gave up because the alliance was "too risky for the party".

In the 2010 elections, Aécio Neves became a great candidate to challenge President José Alencar. In the first round, the toucan obtained 45.34% and alencar obtained 47.06%. In the second round, the toucan scored 47.43 and the PT 47.43, the first time that a PT was re-elected.

In 2012, in the decision of the Namibian War, the Alencar government was severely criticized for its hypocrisy, because in the 2010 campaign he claimed that Brazil would have peaceful and good relations. The Alencar Government replied that the war would have consequences if Brazil would not have declared war against Namibia.

election, 2014 and the great polarization of the PSDB and PT

Aécio Neves with Pimenta da Veiga and Antonio Anastasia in 2014 in the veiga campaign in the mine elections.

In 2014, Aécio Neves had another opportunity to be a big name for the Party in the 2014 elections. Aécio ended up winning by 79.4% of the votes against Onyx Lorenzoni's 15%. The 2014 election marked the great polarization between the PT and the PSDB, with the PSDB being represented by the right and the PT being the left. Due to the polarization, several governors from both parties ran for office, further strengthening the polarization.

Unlike in 2010, the PSDB managed to have a stronger campaign than the previous one, in addition to electoral propaganda being more attacking candidate Haddad than the proposals, drawing more attention.

Aécio Neves obtained 52.5% of the valid votes, while PT petist Haddad obtained 47.25% of the valid votes. In addition to Aécio being elected, 15 PSDB governors were elected, including João Doria (in São Paulo) and Pimenta de Veiga (in Minas Gerais).

Government Aécio Neves (2015 -)

President Aécio Neves in 2016

For the second time, a president of the PSDB takes office as president of Brazil. Like FHC, Neves had two terms (2015 to 2019 and 2019 to 2023). In addition to being the second president of Minas Gerais to be elected after the re-democratization of 1988.

Right at the beginning of his term, due to great polarization, small opposition protests spread throughout the country, and in October he only increased when the government was involved in corruption. The government of Açu Neves was marked by the death and replacement of Aloysio Nunes in November 2015. This ended up resulting in a mini political crisis for Nunes's successor between the governor of São Paulo João Doria and the chairman of the Chamber of Deputies Fábio Ramalho. João Dória ended up winning with a difference of 16 votes difference.

In the 2018 elections, Aécio Neves had many proposals in social liberalism, reinforcing moralism with Minha Casa, Minha Família. The PSDB made coalitions in a presidential election, where it did with the PTB and PAB. In the first round, Aécio easily managed to beat Manuela d'Ávilla with 53.1% of the votes, while PT's Petista d'Ávila obtained 41.76%, which is the best result of a PSDB candidate.

The Neves government was considered internationally as neutral and easy to market and do business. Making the GDP grow in Brazil very fast, reaching from 3 trillion to 10 trillion in 5 years. Which made the data sheet very advantageous in opinion polls. Some PSDB governors follow some important proposals that the neves government made as the governor of Minas Gerais.

Presidents of PSDB

The party president is elected for a 4-year term, when a president resigns, the interim president stays until the end of a president's term (which he resigned). Franco Montoro and FHC received the title of "president of honor" symbolically.

Portrait President Mandato
Took Office Left Office
PSDB logo (President Dukakis).png Provisional Commission 1988 1988
André Franco Motoro Dec 80 REFON.jpg
Franco Montoro 1988 November 19,1992
Tasso Jereissati in 2000s.png
Tasso Jeireissati November 19, 1992 March 11, 1994
Teotônio Vilela Filho em 2015.jpg
Teotônio Vilela Filho November 16, 1994 May 2,1995
Fernando Henrique Cardoso in 1998.png
Fernando Henrique Cardoso


May 2,1995 March 19,1998
José Serra.jpg
José Serra March 12, 1998 November 19, 2000
Arthur da Távola.jpg
Arthur da Távola November 19, 2000 April 1, 2002
João Leite.jpg
João Leite April 1, 2002 November 19, 2004
Pimenta de Veiga.jpg
Pimenta da Veiga November 16,2004 November 16, 2008
Walfrido Mares Guia.jpg
Walfrido dos Mares Guia November 16, 2008 November 16, 2012
César Maia.jpg
Cesa Maia November 16, 2012 November 16, 2016
Geraldo Alckmin.jpg
Gerlado Alckmin November 16, 2016 March 22, 2020
Foto oficial de Eduardo Paes.jpg
Eduardo Paes March 22, 2020 November 16, 2020
Yeda Crusius November 16, 2020 Incubent

participation and Electoral performance

The PSDB has always maintained an excellent result of the presidential elections. Apart from the 1989 election, toucan candidates always came in second or won the election.

Year Imagem Candidate for President Vice-Candidate for President Coalition Votes % Position
Mário Covas.jpg
Mário Covas Almir Gabriel


No Coalition 9,120,346 13,96% 4.º
Tasso Jereissati in 2000s.png
Tasso Jereissati Pimenta de Veiga


União, Trabalho e Progresso


14,539,846 20,64% 2.º
Fernando Henrique Cardoso Marco Maciel


União, Trabalho e Progresso


41,244,754 58,77% 1.º
49,184,742 50,04% 1.º
Marco Maciel.png
Marco Marciel José Serra


Por um Brasil Grande!


49,582,429 48,38% 2.º
Foto oficial de Aécio Neves.jpg
Aécio Neves João Doria


O Brasil pode mais!


51,930,832 47,43% 2.º
Presidente Aécio Neves.png
Aécio Neves Aloysio Nunes


Um Brasil seguir em frente


61,315,902 52,5% 1.º
Presidente Aécio Neves.png
João Doria


Um Brasil seguir em frente


63,045,388 53,1% 1.º

Participation in federal parliamentary elections

Chamber of Deputies
Legislatura Bancada ±
49.ª Lesgilation (1991–1995)
39 / 513
50.ª Legislation (1995–1999)
70 / 513
51.ª Lesgilation (1999–2003)
119 / 513
52.ª Lesgilation (2003–2007)
170 / 513
53.ª Lesgilation (2007–2011)
159 / 513
54.ª Lesgilation (2011–2015)
160 / 513
55.ª Lesgilation (2015–2019)
195 / 513
56.ª Lesgilation (2019–2023)
203 / 513
Federal Senate
Legislatura Bancada ±
49.ª Legislation (1991–1995)
9 / 81
50.ª Legislation (1995–1999)
20 / 81
51.ª Legislation (1999–2003)
23 / 81
52.ª Legislation (2003–2007)
27 / 81
53.ª Legislation (2007–2011)
25 / 81
54.ª Lesgilation (2011–2015)
24 / 81
55.ª Lesgilation (2015–2019)
30 / 81
56.ª Lesgilation (2019–2023)
28 / 81

203 3 5 6 3 4 4 4 5 2 10 3 20 15 10 5 4 9 1 10 12 4 3 4 10 6 2 33 1

In 2006, the PSDB elected 25 senators and 159 federal deputies. In addition, they elected 9 governors, among them: Geraldo Alckim (São Paulo), Aécio Neves (Minas Gerais), Yeda Crusius (Rio Grande do Sul), Sério Cabral (Rio de Janeiro) and the other 4 elected governors. In 2011, the party formed the largest bench in the Chamber, with 160 federal deputies (almost equalizing the PT), and the second largest in the Senate, with eleven 24 elected, with candidate Aloysio Nunes elected Senator from São Paulo with 12 million seats. votes, the biggest vote in history for the Senate.

State Directories and Municips

PSDB Board of Directors in Mato Grosso do Sul

Like any party, the PSDB has its various Municipal Directories, including the State ones. The PSDB is the party with the most municipal directories, has more than 2500 municipal chambers nationally commanded by the current President of the party. In the state directories, the main headquarters are in Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais and São Paulo, where they are the stage for major national conventions of the party.

Thanks to these directories the party was able to easily gain many members. Every 1 month, the party receives 2,700 members.

In 2015, after the impeachment (impeachment supported by toucan members) of the governor of Amapá, Dora Nascimento. PSDB directories were painted, where it was written: '' Coup '' and '' Fascists ''.

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