Colombia (Pharaonic Survival)

Republic of Colombia
República de Colombia (Spanish)
Republic of Colombia República de Colombia (Spanish)
Flag	Coats of Arms
	Motto: ; "Libertad y Orden" (Spanish); "Freedom and Order"
	Anthem: ; Himno Nacional de la República de Colombia (Spanish); "National Anthem of the Republic of Colombia"; https://althistory.fandom.com/wiki/File:Colombia_Anthem_Instrumental.mp3;
Capital; (and largest city)	Bogotá
Official languages	Spanish
Religion	Christianity (Dominant)
Demonym	Colombian
Government	Unitary presidential republic
Legislature	Congress
Independence from Spain
Area
Population
GDP (PPP)	2050 estimate
GDP (nominal)	2050 estimate
Gini (2049)	46
HDI (2050)	0.852
Currency	Colombian peso (COP)
Time zone	UTC−5 (COT)
Date formats	DMY
Drives on the	Right
Internet TLD	.co
Calling code	+56

Colombia, officially the Republic of Colombia, is a unitary republic of America located in the northwestern region of South America. It is constituted in a social and democratic state of law whose form of government is presidential. It is politically organized into 32 decentralized departments and a Capital District. The capital of the republic is Bogotá.

It is bordered to the east by Venezuela and Brazil, to the south by Peru and Ecuador and to the northwest by Panama; in terms of maritime boundaries, it borders Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, Jamaica, Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Venezuela in the Caribbean Sea, and with Panama, Costa Rica and Ecuador in the Pacific Ocean.

Colombia is the only nation in South America that has coasts on the Pacific Ocean and the Caribbean Sea, where it has several islands such as the Archipelago of San Andrés, Providencia and Santa Catalina. Colombia has the largest number of species per unit area on the planet, in total it is the second most megadiverse country in the world after Brazil, which is larger than Colombia.

History[]

End of the National Front[]

In 1970, the presidential elections were between the conservative Misael Pastrana and the candidate of the left-wing coalition and former dictator Gustavo Rojas Pinilla for the ANAPO movement. On election day, April 19, after many allegations of fraud and a blackout, Misael Pastrana was declared the winner amid great controversy. ANAPO declared itself in rebellion and took up arms, creating the M-19 guerrilla group as a new actor against the Colombian state.

This decade was characterized by the growth of socialist guerrillas financed from abroad by Cuba and the USSR, however, a new actor would soon enter that would make things worse in Colombia, drug trafficking, whose business began to enrich certain people and led to the creation of several drug cartels, leading to more violence. The greatest growth of this business occurred during the government from 1978 to 1982 led by President Julio Cesar Turbay. During this period, the guerrillas would begin to finance themselves from drug trafficking directly or indirectly, by cultivating and caring for coca crops and forcing farmers to grow it through extortion.

During this period, Colombia remained neutral in the South American War, although it unofficially showed sympathy for the Chilean side. It did not get involved in the conflict beyond sending diplomatic notes that appealed to the peaceful resolution of the differences, a position that was shared by neighboring Venezuela.

Betancur's Presidency[]

In the 1982 presidential elections, the conservative Belisario Betancur won, defeating former president Alfonso López Michelsen, with almost 3,200,000 votes, compared to the former president's 2,800,000, thus obtaining the third largest vote in the country's history.

During his government, the national army was reorganized and divided into 4 zones, one in charge of the Caribbean coast and Antioquia, another of the Santanderes and the middle Magdalena, another of the Pacific region and a last one in charge of the Orinoquia and the Amazon.

It was also during Betancur's government that the Colombian writer Gabriel Garcia Marquez was elected Nobel Prize winner for literature in 1982 by the Swedish Academy, traveling to that country to receive the award from the hands of the Swedish monarch. This would be the first Nobel Prize to be received by a person of Colombian nationality. In contrast, a few months later President Betancur announced that Colombia was renouncing the organization of the 1986 FIFA World Cup, which was seen as another failure of the government.

Between 1982 and 1984 the government led peace talks with the M-19 and EPL guerrillas in Madrid, Spain, however these did not come to fruition, due to the government's fighting against these groups in southern Colombia and in Bogotá, as well as in other major cities, as well as the attacks, kidnappings and other acts of violence by the guerrillas, often worsened by the actions of the FARC and the ELN with whom rapprochements were sought that led to nothing more than a brief ceasefire in 1983 by the FARC and the re-organization of the ELN in the Valle de Cauca in 1984.

The birth of the National Latin Movement of Carlos Lehder and of Civismo en Marcha of Pablo Escobar, who occupied a seat in the House of Representatives. The New Liberalism, a movement led by Luis Carlos Galán and Rodrigo Lara Bonilla (appointed Minister of Justice by Betancur) was opposed to narcopolitics.

Tragedies of 85[]

The year 1985 was marked in Colombia by two of the worst tragedies that shook the entire country, these were the Taking of the Palace of Justice and the Armero Tragedy.

On November 6, 1985, the M-19 carried out the Taking of the Palace of Justice in Bogotá, to impeach President Betancur for non-compliance with the Peace Accords, taking nearly 300 people hostage, including the magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice and the Council of State. The rapid reaction in the retaking of the Palace by the Public Forces in 28 hours: 94 dead, including 11 magistrates of the Court, dozens wounded and 11 missing in unclear circumstances.

Just a week after the palace was taken, the Nevado del Ruiz volcano erupted in the department of Tolima on Wednesday, November 13, 1985, producing an avalanche that wiped out the town of Armero, Tolima, killing approximately 31,000 people. The event generated a controversy over the guilt of the Betancur government for not taking preventive measures and not believing the evacuation of the Armero people was necessary, in addition to alleged negligence in preventing and dealing with the tragedy. Betancur, president at the time, is considered to be the person most responsible for what happened in that tragedy.

In July 1986, a few days before handing over the presidency, Betancur received a diplomatic visit from Pope John Paul II, who was in 7 cities for a week, being the longest visit by a pontiff to Colombia and the second after Paul VI in 1968, the Pope also visited the area of the Armero tragedy.

Luis Carlos Galán President[]

After the eventful and tragic years of Betancourt's presidency came the presidential elections of 1986. The liberal politician Luis Carlos Galán, motivated by his great popularity, decided to run for the presidential elections of that year, competing first against Virgilio Barco in the liberal consultation to choose the presidential candidate and later after winning the same, competing against Alvaro Gomez Hurtado of the Conservative Party for the presidency. Luis Carlos Galán won the presidency by a wide margin, helped in part by the bad image of the previous conservative administration and in part also by his new political movement called New Liberalism, which sought a change within the Liberal Party and to give a young and renewed image to the party, in addition to winning supporters among younger voters. Galán was sworn in as president on August 7, 1986.

1988 Constitution[]

Among the first policies that the new president Galán had to fulfill was to renew the century-old Colombian constitution that had been in place since 1886.

At the beginning of this period of government, he would have to face the increase in violence caused by the war declared by the Medellín Cartel, with which there were unofficial negotiations. However, criticism of the closed political system came not only from guerrilla groups or parties such as the Communist Party or the UP, but had permeated new political proposals and university groups. The power of the mafias was manifested between 1986 and 1987, and to hit democracy, where they were candidates for the presidency of the country; Bernardo Jaramillo of the UP and Carlos Pizarro of the M-19. These assassinations are added to other attacks by the Medellín cartel such as the attack on the DAS building and the explosion of an Avianca plane in 1988 in a list of various terrorist acts and selective murders committed by a large group of members of the cartel or its satellites.

President Galán accelerated the plans for a new constitution, which he initially wanted to leave at the end of his term, but with the latest national events this was brought forward, in November 1987 the Constituent Assembly of Colombia was convened which promulgated the new National Constitution for 1988 which replaced that of 1886. In this document the figure of a unitary State was changed to the Social State of Law, decentralized, with a certain autonomy of its territorial entities, such as the election of governors, the presidential term is preserved for four years, the Prosecutor's Office is established as an accusatory body within the power judicial, the Constitutional Court of Colombia is created, independent of the Supreme Court of Justice of Colombia, the tutela action is instituted so that citizens can assert their fundamental rights based on article VIII of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948, the extradition of Colombians is prohibited, immediate presidential reelection is prohibited and political foundations are laid that weaken the conservative-liberal bipartisanship and give greater democratic participation to other options.

The demobilization of the M-19 and the EPL took place during the National Constituent Assembly and it was their amnestied guerrilla leaders who helped draft the document with all the other political forces in the country. However, other guerrilla groups such as the ELN and the FARC did not demobilize or participate in the process, increasing their criminal activities, using kidnapping for ransom and cocaine production as their main sources of financing, especially after the fall of the USSR, the socialist states and the weakening of Castro's Cuba.

By the time Galán finished his presidential term in 1990, the country had a constitution, preparing to enter the 21st century, but still with many internal problems such as drug trafficking and the remaining guerrillas of the FARC and ELN, and the violence, kidnappings and attacks generated by them, despite this Luis Carlos Galán is considered one of the best presidents of Colombia and the one who brought about the beginning of the end of the internal armed conflict in the country.

Pablo Escobar's defeat and the 1990s[]

Galán's presidency ended in August 1990 and the new president was Cesar Gaviria, who belonged to the New Liberalism Movement. Gaviria won the 1990 presidential elections by a wide margin, not as much as Galán's, but he was still able to maintain the popularity of the movement and the party among the general population.

The period of Cesar Gaviria's presidency, which lasted from 1990 to 1994, began with great expectations among the population, since it was considered that he would continue the great reforms of Galán's presidency.

One of the first acts was to appoint Carlos Holmes Trujillo as Minister of Education of Colombia, who was the promoter of the Plan for Educational Opening (PAE), in order to create, before the end of the four-year term, new school places for secondary school due to the need to expand educational coverage. This sought to guarantee access to primary education for all children, to increase secondary education coverage by 25% and to gradually extend the preschool year.

In economic matters, Gaviria's government is remembered for the "Economic Opening" of a neoliberal nature and led by his Minister of Finance Rudolf Hommes. Although the opening began gradually in the previous government, from the beginning of his government Gaviria continued the pace of opening, with results that turned the economic history of the country upside down. Initially, the opening led to the bankruptcy of small, medium and some large Colombian industries. Over the years, companies were able to compete with foreign companies, although some private companies benefited positively, especially from large industries.

However, the internal armed conflict intensified, the fight against the FARC and the ELN, which seemed to be gaining ground, as well as against drug trafficking, was marked by periods of violence both in the cities and the countryside. During the Gaviria government, Colombia, with the help of US personnel, managed to defeat Pablo Escobar in December 1993, the biggest and most wanted drug trafficker in the world. This fact put an end to the period in which drug traffickers declared war on the Colombian state.

As a result of the 1994 presidential elections, Ernesto Samper of the Liberal Party came to power. The New Liberalism Movement had definitively withdrawn from the liberal ranks in 1993, costing it a great loss of strength, popularity and votes. The Liberal Party formally returned to the presidency, this time without coalitions. However, as soon as Samper was elected, a great scandal began in the country, as information was leaked that the Cali Cartel had financed part of his presidential campaign. This began a stage called the 8000 process, which caused the cancellation of military and anti-drug aid by the United States and broke confidence in the economy, starting the economic recession in 1996. At the same time, the FARC dealt blows to the Colombian army, in addition to carrying out new forms of kidnapping such as the massive type on the roads called "miraculous fishing." Samper, pressured by Congress and even his vice president, resigned from office on July 6, 1996 and was forced to leave the country. self-exiled in Spain, after his resignation Vice President Humberto de la Calle assumed office and finished the presidential term from 1996 to 1998, trying to maintain a certain institutional order in the country, in the face of constant threats that he too would be implicated in the corruption scandal.

Pastrana Administration[]

The corruption of the liberal president Ernesto Samper helped the liberals to lose the 1998 presidential elections, which were won by the Conservative Party led by Andres Pastrana, son of the former president Misael Pastrana (1970-1974).

During his presidency, Pastrana, determined to show that the Conservative Party in his person could end the internal armed conflict, promoted the El Caguan Negotiation Process in the Colombian department of Caquetá, with which he sought to get the FARC to lay down their weapons and lead to a peace process. To this end, a special demilitarized zone was created where the guerrillas would be allowed to be free without being subjected to any type of persecution. Although in the first weeks the dialogues seemed to be fruitful and going well, all this fell apart at the beginning of 2002 when the FARC broke the agreements and the guerrilla leader Manuel Marulanda never showed up, leaving President Pastrana waiting for him with an empty chair at his side.

After this, the FARC-EP had become stronger and the National Liberation Army (ELN) carried out mass kidnappings. In addition, paramilitary groups, well financed by drug trafficking, or by ranchers, businessmen, and with the support of the ruling class, joined at the end of the 1990s in the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC) that over the years were accused of having committed crimes against humanity.

National Unity Governments[]

Uribe, Santos and Zuluaga[]

The presidential term of Pastrana ended in the midst of great popular discontent against the traditional parties (Conservative and Liberal) that had been promising for years the end of the armed conflict, but had not been able to do so. Likewise, the population in general was tired of the guerrillas that operated in the country and the violence that they brought, together with the paramilitaries, translated into kidnappings, extortions, terrorist attacks and the taking of towns and cities in Colombia.

In the midst of all this context, a presidential candidate began to appear who was running outside the traditional parties and promised a firm and strong hand against the guerrillas, Alvaro Uribe Velez, ex-governor of Antioquia, whose popularity in the polls increased more and more and he arrived as the strongest candidate in the presidential elections of 2002, which were precisely won by him.

With his election, the Colombian army managed to modernize and increase its manpower, receiving modern military equipment from the United States as part of Plan Colombia, helping to promote the democratic security policy of the new government, this in the midst of opposition sectors, especially on the left, who believed that Colombia would become a US military base and in the international context of the fight against terrorism, after the attacks on the Twin Towers in New York in 2001. In fact, the US government and the European Union had declared the FARC and the ELN as terrorists; this democratic security policy served in the fight against the guerrillas to the extent that they managed to get them out of the outskirts of the cities and push them back to the countryside and towards the borders.

For the 2006 presidential elections, the then president Uribe had shown his support for the idea of re-election, however the 1988 Constitution prohibited this, a fact that was ratified by the Constitutional Court, thus within the ranks of the new ruling party PSUN, Juan Manuel Santos was elected as Uribe's successor, and thanks to the popularity of Santos himself he would win the elections in a key period for the history of Colombia, defeating the opposition party Polo Democrático (left-wing) and leaving the traditional parties (liberal and conservative) behind.

By the end of 2006 and beginning of 2007, it was known that Colombian guerrillas were hiding on the borders, especially those of Venezuela and Ecuador, crossing illegally and committing crimes in these countries as well. This caused a brief diplomatic crisis that was resolved thanks to the commitment of the Colombian government to create a state and army presence in these areas, along with receiving help from neighboring countries. This cooperation would be the beginning of what in a few years would become the South American armed intervention in Colombia against the FARC and the ELN.

On the other hand, Uribe and then Santos advanced peace agreements with the AUC that allowed the reintegration of many of its members. In this context, a political scandal broke out in 2006 that revealed links between members of the government and Congress with the paramilitaries, giving way to a judicial process that was called Parapolitics.

The Santos government also implemented a program of economic reforms, initiated by Uribe, such as the signing of multiple free trade agreements and economic alliances with countries of the European Community, Latin America and the United States, which accelerated economic growth.

In December 2007, the International Court of Justice in The Hague ratified the validity of the Esguerra-Bárcenas Treaty of 1928 in which Nicaragua recognized Colombia's sovereignty over the Archipelago of San Andrés, Providencia and Santa Catalina and which was declared null and void by the Nicaraguan government in 1980, thus winning Colombia the international trial on that issue.

The FARC-EP held several people, including police officers, soldiers, politicians and foreigners, hostage for more than a decade, which ended after their release in Operation Jaque. Meanwhile, in March 2008, a contingent of the Colombian armed forces carried out an air attack against a FARC-EP camp located in Ecuadorian territory with authorization from the neighboring country. The Colombian government had previously informed Ecuador of the situation and the Ecuadorian armed forces had evacuated civilians from nearby areas. In this operation, the spokesman for the guerrilla group, Raúl Reyes, and 17 other guerrillas died. This fact demonstrated how cooperation with Colombia's neighboring countries could mean dealing important blows to the FARC, in addition to improving the public image of both leaders in both countries, which served the PSUN to win the 2010 presidential elections with the help of Oscar Iván Zuluaga; The 2009 presidential campaign was marked by the start of the intervention of the South American Community in the internal armed conflict in Colombia, which began on March 7, 2009, with the arrival of thousands of soldiers from all South American countries, as well as advisors, peacekeepers, doctors and other officials.

End of the internal armed conflict[]

The Intervention organized by the Community of South American Nations was divided into 4 fundamental parts: military, peace building, medical and humanitarian, and social aid; each of these was supervised by commissions from the Colombian Congress and Army.

The medical, humanitarian, and social missions were the first to begin acting, helping to remodel hospitals, with medical and school equipment and other basic supplies in several of the most remote towns in the country and in the poorest neighborhoods of the country's cities. They also sought the arrival of CNS aid programs for vulnerable families.

A total of 54,000 troops were deployed throughout Colombia for two years, from March 2009 to September 4, 2011. The defeat of the ELN guerrilla forces was the first to occur in February 2011.

The defeat in August and the subsequent surrender of the FARC in September 2011 put an end to the conflict, although some pockets of armed resistance remained as dissidents, who would soon be incorporated into criminal gangs and drug trafficking. The vast majority of FARC members were demobilized, many ex-guerrillas became part of the South American Community programs for re-insertion into civilian life, studying and forming small businesses; Many others entered politics, joining the Communist Party and the Patriotic Union, led by the then top commander of the FARC, Rodrigo Londoño, alias "Timochenko."

The 2014 presidential elections were the first in peacetime in Colombia in several decades. In addition to the traditional parties of the right and left, demobilized soldiers who had served their sentences and joined civilian life participated, most of them in the UP and the PDA, which gave some strength to these parties, reaching a coalition that obtained more than 3 million votes in the figure of Clara Lopez. However, this was not enough to compete against the candidate of the Colombian Conservative Party, Marta Lucía Ramírez, who advocated a "harder line" against former members of the guerrilla. The official candidate of the PSUN, Carlos Holmes Trujillo, was defeated by Ramírez, despite the fact that the PSUN had risen thanks to its victory at the end of the Internal Armed Conflict.

Current affairs[]

Conflict with dissidents of the FARC and the ELN, criminal gangs dedicated to drug trafficking that emerged in 2012, these groups were born after several guerrillas, drug traffickers and paramilitaries joined together seeking to continue the business of illegal drug trafficking, this has permeated some spheres of Colombian politics, involving politicians from both the right and the left.

In the legislative elections of March 11, 2018, the PSUN again obtained the majority of seats in Congress, these elections were two months before the presidential elections.

In the elections of May 27, 2018, the representative of the government coalition, Iván Duque Márquez, was elected by an absolute majority as the new president of Colombia. During his term, the Covid-19 Pandemic broke out in the world, which forced the government to take measures such as the isolation and closure of commercial premises, widespread quarantines during March 2020, this has seriously affected the economy, leaving thousands of unemployed and people who have fallen into poverty, in addition to the public health impact that the pandemic has had in Colombia and the world.

Since August 7, 2022, the president is the liberal Juan Manuel Galán, son of former president Luis Carlos Galán.

Government and politics[]

Colombia is a presidential and unitary centralized republic. The three branches of government (executive, legislative and judicial) coexist in the country.

The executive branch is embodied in the figure of the President of the Republic, who is the highest elected official in the country. He governs for a period of 4 years without being allowed to be re-elected. His figure includes the Head of State and Head of Government, as well as the highest commander of the country's military forces. Within the executive branch there are also the ministries of the republic, responsible for specific areas, these are Education, Defense, Health, Labor, Mining and Energy, Housing and Territory, Justice, ICT, Agriculture, Commerce and Industry, Interior, Foreign Affairs, Treasury, Environment, Transportation, Culture, Sports, Science and Innovation.

The legislative power is embodied in the National Congress, which is the highest representation of Colombian democracy. All congressmen debate and approve laws and reforms there. They are divided between 102 senators and 122 representatives to the chamber, being a bicameral congress. The upper chamber belongs to the Senate of the Republic and the lower chamber to the Representatives, in total 224 people make up this state body.

The judicial branch is in charge of administering justice in the Colombian State. It is made up of different articulated organs of public power destined to resolve conflicts according to Colombian law.

Political parties[]

Colombia's political parties are based on the right to freely associate, stipulated in the Colombian Constitution of 1988. The political reform approved in 2010 establishes that political parties with legal status are those that reach 3% of the valid votes in the elections to the Senate or the House of Representatives.

Traditionally, Colombia maintained a two-party system dominated by the Liberal and Conservative parties for much of the 19th century and the 20th century until the 1990s when both parties entered into crisis, giving way in the 21st century to the Social Party of National Unity (PSUN), which is the hegemonic political force in Colombia today.

Cambio Radical (center right)
Colombian Conservative Party (right)
Colombian Liberal Party (center left)
Social Party of National Unity -PSUN- (center right)
Green Party of Colombia (center)
Alternative Democratic Pole (left)
Patriotic Union (far left)
Colombian Progressive Movement (left)
National Integration Party (far right)
Colombian Communist Party (far left)

Disappeared Political Parties[]

M-19
New Liberalism of Colombia

Economy[]

Colombia is an emerging economy and an economic power in the region. It is part of the CIVETS block of emerging countries, the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). Its GDP PPP ranks fifth in Latin America behind Argentina, Mexico, Chile and Brazil, as well as being 25th globally.

Since 2017, the country has promoted an economic reform by removing 2 zeros from the peso, trying to stop inflation, facilitate the exchange of currencies and reduce the difference in value with the dollar, the euro and the rest of the currencies in the region. The new denomination of coins and bills was as follows:

Coins
- 50 pesos - 50 cents
- 100 pesos - 1 peso
- 200 pesos - 2 pesos
- 500 pesos - 5 pesos
- 1000 pesos - 10 pesos

Banknotes
- 1000 pesos - 10 pesos
- 2000 pesos - 20 pesos
- 5000 pesos - 50 pesos
- 10000 pesos - 100 pesos
- 20000 pesos - 200 pesos
- 50000 pesos - 500 pesos
- 100000 pesos - 1000 pesos

Colombia's economy has experienced growth The average annual rate of 6.5% since 2002. In 2012, 23.8 million Colombians served as the labor force in the economy, with an average income of US$10,700, producing US$500 billion for the country's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). However, inequality in the distribution of wealth keeps 14.3% of Colombians living below the national poverty line. Since 2011, unemployment has reached single digits (5.2% in 2021) and underemployment at 22.7%.

The Ministry of Finance and Public Credit defines, formulates and executes the country's economic policy, the national currency is the Colombian peso. The Bank of the Republic is an independent body that controls the amount of money and foreign exchange control that circulates in the economy to avoid recessions and unemployment due to inflation, in addition to controlling interbank credit.

Territorial[]

Colombia is a republic politically organized into decentralized departments and the capital district of Bogotá, seat of the National Government.

Including the oceanic islands in the Caribbean and the Pacific, the country covers an area of 1,141,748 km², making it the 25th largest country in the world and the seventh largest in America. It claims as its territorial sea the area up to 12 nautical miles away, maintaining a border dispute in this regard with Venezuela and Nicaragua. It is bordered to the east by Venezuela and Brazil, to the south by Peru and Ecuador and to the northwest by Panama; in terms of maritime boundaries, it borders Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Honduras, Jamaica, Haiti, the Dominican Republic and Venezuela in the Caribbean Sea, and with Panama, Costa Rica and Ecuador in the Pacific Ocean. It is the only nation in South America that has coasts on the Pacific Ocean and access to the Atlantic through the Caribbean Sea, where it has several islands such as the archipelago of San Andrés, Providencia and Santa Catalina.

According to the 1988 Constitution, Colombia is made up of 32 departments and a capital district. The departmental governments are divided into three powers: The executive branch, exercised by the departmental governor, elected every four years. Each department has its own departmental assembly, a regionally elected public corporation that enjoys administrative autonomy and its own budget. The departmental assemblies are made up of no less than 11 deputies and no more than 50, elected by popular vote for a period of 4 years. The departmental assemblies issue ordinances that are mandatory in their territorial jurisdiction or department.

The 32 departments of Colombia are:

Amazonas
Antioch
Arauca
Atlantic
Bolívar
Boyacá
Caldas
Caqueta
Casanare
Cauca
Cesar
Chocó
Cordoba
Cundinamarca
Guainía
Guaviare
Huila
Guajira
Magdalena
Meta
Nariño
North Santander
Putumayo
Quindio
Risaralda
San Andrés and Providencia
Santander
Sucre
Tolima
Valle de Cauca
Vaupés
Vichada
Bogotá D.C.