The following is the history of the Dominion of South Africa.
The history of the country's foundation between 1983 to 1989 is on a separate page.
1990s[]
The period just after the Dominion's establishment is remembered in some ways as a golden age, a time of shared goals and idealism. The founding generation pursued a clear vision: dismantling apartheid, creating a new jurispudence of equality, laying the foundation for a new pluriracial culture. And it's true that for the leaders and to some extent for the citizens during this era, the DSA was more than just a country: it was a set of convictions about what was good in South Africa and what it could become. The strength of these convictions indeed led many to face danger and hardship with heroism.
But of course, the Dominion could not overcome all of its challenges. It was a poor country, and a very large portion of its population were refugees or displaced persons. It lacked the resources to create a truly equitable society that lived up to its ideals. So the country legislated a system of racially integrated public schools, but these were so catastrophically underfunded that those who could, found ways to privately educate their children. The voting franchise was extended to everyone, and the original set of leaders, the so-called "Durban Group," certainly represented a cross-section of South Africa. But at the head of that group were Opposition MPs from the apartheid era. The army brass consisted largely of defectors from the SADF, the nucleus of the navy consisted of British exiles, and even the King surrounded himself with aides and secretaries with experience serving his family. In other words, White, White, White, White. The Rainbow Nation ideal was still a long way off.
Ongoing external threats gave a hard edge to the DSA's sense of mission. Skirmishes never stopped against Xhosa to the east and rogue Afrikaner and Coloured groups to the north and west. The army proved insufficient to defend the borderlands out in the Great Karoo; so a policy began of organizing rural residents into militias to patrol their own local districts. These organizations would form the basis of a more tough, militant kind of Dominion identity that would rise to prominence in the 2000s.
2000s[]
Events in the early 2000s fed this more militaristic element of the DSA's political culture. This movement in turn led the Dominion into a series of wars that spanned much of the decade, isolating the country within South Africa.
As the decade began, the border skirmishes that had become a feature of life in the 90s began to increase in frequency and intensity. In part this was due to an increased level of aggressiveness by the Dominion's farmers and herders. But it owed even more to the steady disintegration of the Republic of the Cape. By the early 2000s, groups of Afrikaner nationalists were in open rebellion, bolstered by fighters and weapons from the Orange Free State. The instability spilled across the poorly-defined border. The collapse of Cape Town itself sparked a refugee crisis on top of all this.
The Dominion also found itself somewhat isolated diplomatically during this period. The Cape had been the driving force behind the most hopeful process for reintegration in South Africa: the New Union of South Africa. It had reached out to neighboring states, namely the White- and Coloured-dominated states of Waterboersland, Volkstaat, and South West Africa. Because of their ongoing border struggles, the Dominion was not involved in these talks; when the Cape government collapsed, the talks continued. The New Union formed in 2004, uniting the three northern states under one political banner. Before long, kwaZulu and Lesotho were making overtures to the NUSA, which would leave the Dominion fairly surrounded by a rival alliance.
The Cape War[]
In 2006, a joint ANZC and SAC military force captured Cape Town, intent on restoring a stable government to this crucial port city. The mission was considered to be the first multilateral peacekeeping mission since Doomsday, and it was an important precursor to the establishment of the League of Nations. But the RZA Provisional Government set up by the expedition was mostly interested in the port and not the vast territory of the interior. The rural citizens of the DSA insisted that now was the perfect opportunity to secure the disputed lands once and for all.
In the wake of the international invasion, the Dominion launched its own incursion northward and westward into the Cape Province. This added considerable Cape territory to the Dominion, including the valuable fruit-growing Garden Route. The NUSA condemned the invasion and insisted that it relinquish the occupied lands; however, the only other authorities were the warring cape militias, and international authorities frankly preferred that the land remain in the hands of the Dominion.
The Second Dominion-Xhosa War[]
But at this point things got out of hand. Flush with victory in the Cape, the government ordered the army to secure the road to East London, so long disputed with kwaXhosa. When Xhosa forces offered resistance, Dominion troops pushed them back and, without having planned to do so, captured the Xhosa capital, Bisho. Suddenly an attempt to secure a road turned into an occupation.
The occupation of KwaXhosa provoked even fiercer condemnation. Many of the Dominion's own citizens saw it as unjustified aggression, and it only grew less popular as insurgents continued to harass the occupying forces. The NUSA instituted a full embargo. The international officials now in charge of Cape Town were horrified that their peacekeeping mission was starting to spark a cascading series of regional wars, so they quickly pushed for a diplomatic solution.
KwaXhosa and the DSA signed a treaty that transferred the East London route to the Dominion. Securing this route had been a long-term political goal for DSA leaders, but it was the coastal portion of what had been the Ciskei and had an almost entirely Xhosa population, so it was an acute loss for the other side. KwaXhosa was also compelled to reduce and limit the size of their armed forces. Some Dominion forces remained stationed in the country to enforce these terms.
International efforts[]
This agreement brought peace and a measure of normalcy, but it did real damage to the Dominion's reputation. The League of Nations was founded in 2008, and the country was denied membership because its troops continued to occupy parts of KwaXhosa. On 17 August 2009, the two governments agreed that all troops would return to the other side of the (new) border. Instead the Dominion suggested new economic ties: a free-trade agreement called the African Economic Community. Joining this community was a condition of the withdrawal of Dominion troops, so clearly the Xhosa had joined it under duress.
To demonstrate that the AEC was indeed founded with good intentions, the DSA sought other members. The RZA was persuaded to join, and before long so did Botswana. Still, it continued to be blocked from LoN membership.
Another round of diplomatic efforts centered around the king himself. A number of nations around the world at least potentially viewed him as head of state, and he began a concerted effort to win recognition. The Canadian government in St. Johns remained ambivalent, but some of the breakaway states in western Canada were persuaded to acknowledge Andrew. In 2010 the Dominion held talks to re-establish the Commonwealth of Nations, an effort to build goodwill and cooperation among the former nations of the former British Empire.
Conflict with KwaXhosa[]
Prelude: The Ciskei War[]
On the 10th of March 2011 the government passed legislation that enabled them to divert resources to the Navy, Air Force, and Army and the SAS. This was the height of the Dominion's militaristic movement, and most voters initially supported the bill: this kind of tough self-defense was what had brought the new government to power in the first place. With this increased funding, the military began to hire new personnel and expand its forces. In June of 2011 production began on a new cruiser, HMS Andrew, and 3 new patrol boats, HMS Charles, George and William.
The government began to put its expanded military to use. Garrisons were built up on the newly-redrawn border with KwaXhosa. Perhaps inevitably, this proviked a reaction, namely an armed uprising in Peddie, a predominantly Xhosa town in the former Ciskei, now inside Dominion territory. The air force responded forcefully: three bombardments, targeting the town's fortifications and sources of food, with little regard for the consequences for civilians in the town.
The South African Armoured Regiment then occupied the town. The tanks easily smashed through the rebel barricades, and infantry then mopped up any remaining resistance. The conflict was short and limited in scope, but acquired the name of the Ciskei War: both the Dominion and KwaXhosa wanted to portray it as a war and not a mere law-enforcement action.
Reactions within the country were mixed. The government put the battle to use for propaganda purposes, touting the strength of the armed forces and the superiority of their weapons. Nationalistic rhetoric abounded. However, a backlash also set in. Citizens who were Xhosa, as well as Black citizens from other backgrounds, were of course furious. Non-Black citizens who had questioned the wisdom of the Government's military spending now railed against this aggressive use of it. They argued that such behavior only damaged the security of the kingdom, since they made it difficult to form cooperative relations with other nations.
Reactions abroad were uniformly negative. Since 2009 the Dominion had led the formation of the African Economic Community, integrating its economy with KwaXhosa and the RZA, and more recently with Botswana, which had just joined as a full member. The Community at first had been forced upon KwaXhosa as a way to control its economy; but the entrance of two other states had put all four onto a more equal footing. The AEC at this time took no action against the DSA, but its actions brought severe tension into the organization. Outside these economic partners, the other Black-ruled states of South Africa - KwaZulu, Lesotho, and the Azanian League - imposed economic sanctions immediately and issued a joint message that the Dominion must stop provoking and oppressing its Black population.
Toward war[]
Across the border, KwaXhosa watched with trepidation the buildup of the Dominion's military and its brutal employment in the Ciskei War. However, the republic's military was limited by the terms of its unequal treaty. Therefore in 2012 it began a secret scheme of militarization, hoping to build up its own defenses without being noticed. KwaZulu and some of the Azanian states began to offer clandestine aid to help the republic defend itself should the Dominion launch another attack.
In June of 2012 the government passed a controversial law expanding conscription. Both men and women were mandated to serve 5 years in the military. In some parts of the country this was met with applause, while in other parts it was a sign that the party was slowly taking their rights. Protests were held throughout the kingdom. In Port Alfred, the military was called out when young people staged a draft strike. In Peddie and other Xhosa settlements near the border, the existing military presence was increased to prevent such demonstrations.
In late 2012, DSA intelligence began to report minor but consistent upgrades to KwaXhosa's military presence on the border. Other reports began to reveal the extent of the buildup, though the help from neighboring states was not yet known. Plans began to form within the Government to use this clear treaty violation as a pretext for war. The war, in turn, could allow the Dominion to impose reparations, seize additional territory, and achieve clear military supremacy within South Africa.
Plan Z[]
So at the start of 2013 the Dominion gave a demand to KwaXhosa: complete demobilization of its armed forces and the payment of reparations to compensate for breaking the treaty. KwaXhosa refused, and the Third Dominion-Xhosa war began. KwaXhosa had expected such a move from the DSA if it ever discovered the military buildup, and its planned response was termed Plan Z. Plan Z consisted of a series of trenches and forts blocking the direct path to the capital, Bisho. Heavy AA supported these lines of defense. The Xhosa military on the border comprised a small force that was to fight a delaying action while the defensive line, dubbed the Freedom Line, could be manned and its defenders dig in.
Operation False Dawn[]
The DSA meanwhile employed Operation False Dawn. It started with a heavy artillery and air bombardment on the border followed by a blitzkrieg by the Armoured Regiment. This was to break through any defenses so the Infantry could clean up any defenders. In the north the plan was a major success, with the garrison forces being held until an attack through the middle of the border broke through and encircled the northern defenders, who were wiped out within the day. Meanwhile in the south the defenders held on for 2 days before falling back to avoid becoming encircled themselves.
The foreign aid notwithstanding, KwaXhosa was not finished with its military buildup, and the failure of the border forces to buy time left the Freedom Line unprepared. The republic hoped for a quick intervention by the League of Nations regional headquarters at Cape Town (see below), but this was not forthcoming. In February 2013 Dominion forces reached the Freedom Line. Xhosa AA kept the air force from providing cover and so the attack was halted. Dominion forces began an artillery and tank bombardment against Xhosa positions.
The bombardment was only a distraction, however. An SAS team now attempted to sneak behind Xhosa lines to disable the AA. In the middle of the night a team of commandos entered an AA pit, and one by one silently took down the crew and laid explosives, triggering them and slipping back into friendly lines. This tactic could not eliminate more than a few AA positions, but it sowed chaos up and down the Freedom Line. The next morning bombing raids inflicted heavy damage on the center of the line, allowing the tanks and supporting infantry to achieve a breakthrough. Brutal trench fighting continued for days until the defenders pulled back to positions just outside the capital.
At this point, the Xhosa government offered terms, but the DSA wanted a decisive victory and so moved to cut the defensive line near Bisho in half. The armoured regiment moved into the center of the retreating forces and suddenly attacked left, attempting to force Xhosa troops to move away from Bisho. But the regiment had advanced too far and and eventually found itself encircled by the army. 300 South African lives were lost and 1000 captured in this maneuver. While this was much smaller than the total Xhosa losses of 5000, it served to halt the advance, at least temporarily.
International response[]
In the initial phase of the attack, the government of KwaXhosa called on the League of Nations regional headquarters at Cape Town to provide help. The LoN took no immediate action. While the Dominion's policies had clearly been provocative, it was KwaXhosa that had breached the terms of the treaty. So the international body did not see a clear mandate to intervene.
The government of the RZA, however, did respond. It invited the commerce ministers from KwaXhosa and Botswana to Cape Town for what was billed as an emergency meeting of the African Economic Community. The three nations swifly agreed to suspend the Dominion - effectively banning it from its own organization. The move highlighted the immense contradiction in the kingdom's foreign policy, its attempt to act as both a dominant hegemon and a cooperative African neighbor. It also cut the country off from important trading partners.
The states of the Azanian League imposed economic sanctions, while Lesotho and KwaZulu imposed total embargoes on trade with the Dominion. KwaZulu also sent additional military aid to the Xhosa - still without disclosing it. Zulu infantry in Xhosa uniforms reinforced remaining sections of the Freedom Line, bringing supplies and ammunition.
As news of the war reached more distant countries, the response was muted. The Dominion's military buildup was well known and was viewed as unsavory, but as the casus belli appeared to be a Xhosa violation of its treaty, the war could be seen as justified. Most people took little notice, including in the parts of Canada and Oceania that were tied to it by a common monarchy.
East London Insurgency[]
EFB soldier surrender to a Dominion tank officer after the last EFB insurgent cell is shut down, ending the resistance movement.
As the DSA's forces advanced, it had fewer troops available in its own border regions, where they had been deployed to suppress unrest among the ethnic Xhosa population. The city of East London in particular had a substantial, well-established Xhosa community that watched the war unfold in horror, and which now was being held in check by a much smaller force.
One leader realized this. Going by the name of Amahle, she joined other local leaders in organizing an armed insurgency behind the Dominion's lins. The group called itself the eMonti Freedom Brigade, using the Xhosa name of the city. In its first act of defiance, the EFB ambushed a column of troops. The EFB had set themselves up in buildings on the route, with machine gun and sniper nests, even a few anti tank rifles. They caused chaos as people in the streets scattered and the tank in front of the column blew up. Many men dropped as they scattered for cover and tanks opened fire on the buildings housing the EFB agents.
Eventually after an hour of street fighting the Dominion forces were forced out of the city; the EFB and Amahle saw this as a major success. This lasted only a few days, however. Scouts reported armoured columns heading towards the city from the Xhosa border, and air raid sirens went off as the first bombs feel from Dominion planes onto their own rebellious city. Amahle took it upon herself to defend the city, urging people to take up arms and join her forces as they set up for a guerrilla campaign.
The first tanks rolled in at 7:15 AM the following mourning, the previous night a heavy bombing raid had left many buildings in rubble, and by 8 AM the fighting had started, EFB soldiers opened fire from buildings, moving from rooftop to rooftop with machine guns and anti-tank rifles. However Amahle found that the people hadn't answered her call, and instead tried to find shelter where they could, she knew she couldn't defend the city in open conflict without their support and so pulled back to the government building, which had been evacuated.
The EFB set up fortifications around the building, as all escape from the city had been blocked. Amahle realized that they couldn't beat the Army that was now approaching, and they couldn't hold out for long. So she ordered some of her men to try and find an escape route, of course there was no such thing but she hoped that it would allow her followers to die with hope of escape, and maybe allow those men she sent to hide and escape, to spread her message.
Around noon, armour and infantry surrounded the center of East London. The rebels refused to surrender and fighting began, 15 DSA Infantry were gunned down as they attempted to storm one side of the forts as the last grenades and grenade rifles were used to try and stop the tanks, to no avail, after only 3 hours the Rebels were crushed, they fought to the last soldier in what would come to be known as the Last Stand of eMonti.
Following this heavy defeat, the EFB would fight for another month, with small cells operating from the wilds of South Africa. The army would eventually crush all of these cells, as they lacked anti-armour munitions or support. However, retaking East London had been incredibly costly. The Dominion lost time, men, supplies, and momentum.
Stalemate[]
In the weeks following the East London Insurgency, Xhosa forces slowly took back the trenches along the Freedom Line, with increasingly overt support from Zulu troops. The DSA's initiative having been lost, the war settled into a stalemate as both sides bombarded each other over a wide stretch of Xhosa territory.
The longer this went on, the less popular the war became, both at home and internationally. The governments of two of the most prominent Commonwealth realms, Victoria and the Yukon, issued statements condemning the war in May, though they did not implement sanctions. Trade with (Atlantic) Canada and with Australia-New Zealand continued uninterrupted, protected by the Dominion's continued naval supremacy. However, both nations also continued trading with the Zulu, refusing to go along with South African threats to blockade the kingdom in retaliation for its support for KwaXhosa.
The conscription law had already hurt the Government's popularity, and while it had a momentary boost in the early weeks of the war, the autumn of 2013 saw a series of party defections which, together with some lost by-elections, cost the party its majority. A vote of no confidence was imminent in Parliament - surely a disaster in wartime. To avoid this, party leaders struck a deal at the end of May 2013 to bring the troops home, come to terms with KwaXhosa, and delay any vote of confidence until after the next general election.
Peace[]
At the time of the armistice later in May, Dominion troops continued to occupy significant stretches of KwaXhosa all along the border. The government hoped that it could gain this land as a concession so that it would have something to show for the war, even though it had failed in its main objectives.
In the treaty, the DSA was confirmed in its occupation of this land for a period of five years and indeed extracted a modest reparation payment. In return KwaXhosa claimed the right to increase its military and to use it for self-defense.
Aftermath[]
John Steenhuisen announcing the formation of his Progressive-led government
The outcome was on the whole embarrassing for the leaders of the government. The Progressive Party under John Steenhuisen formed a government later that year. It immediately sought to undo most of the policies of the previous four years, including ending the conscription law and normalizing relations with neighboring nations.
The Third Dominion-Xhosa War marked the end of this foray into militarism for the Dominion of South Africa. The nation abruptly changed footing to seek a place as a member of a multilateral African community of nations. The ideals of the anti-apartheid founders of the nation enjoyed a period of rediscovery among a new generation.
2010s[]
In an atmosphere of lowering tensions, Botswanan leaders negotiated yet another Dominion-Xhosa treaty later in 2013. The new agreement kept the five-year timetable for withdrawing DSA forces from kwaXhosa, but now added the return of all Xhosa territory seized since 2006. The Dominion would retain robust rights of free road and rail travel between Port Elizabeth and East London, including the right to move police and military in well-defined circumstances. This was perhaps the deal that both nations should have sought from the beginning, and it was well received around the region. Remaining economic sanctions against the Dominion were dropped.
This contributed to the dissolution of the New Union of South Africa, long considered an economic rival, on 26 September 2014. The NUSA had been faltering anyway, its members widely spaced across the country and with somewhat divergent interests. But the idea of the Dominion as a threat had led its members to stay together just in case; now the threat seemed to be passing. Waterboersland, the Volkstaat, and South West Africa would later take the remarkable step of joining the African Economic Community.
In March 2015, King Andrew's plane was lost over the Atlantic. His son William V ascended the throne. In 2019 he married the daughter of the Zulu king, a powerful bit of diplomacy that further helped to demonstrate the Dominion's interest in regional cooperation.
The commitment to peace masked considerable political tension at home. The disasters of 2012-3 demonstrated the folly of an aggressive foreign policy, but some of this energy was rechanneled toward long-simmering racial grievances within the DSA. In 2019, power passed from a centrist coalition to a more ardently left-wing Government under Ebrahim Patel. Patel promised a more activist approach toward racial issues, including stricter enforcement of anti-discrimination laws and programs of affirmative action to combat historic and current social bias.
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