Oswald Mosley
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Mosley in 1956 | |
Chairman of the Union of England | |
In office 16 March 1936 – 3 December 1980 | |
Deputy | Jeffrey Hamm (1935–1980) |
Preceded by | Office established |
Succeeded by | Jeffrey Hamm |
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster | |
In office 7 June 1929 – 19 May 1930 | |
Prime Minister | George Lansbury |
Preceded by | Ronald McNeill, 1st Baron Cushendun |
Succeeded by | Clement Attlee |
Member of Parliament for Smethwick | |
In office 21 December 1926 – 27 October 1931 | |
Preceded by | John Davison |
Succeeded by | Roy Wise |
Member of Parliament for Harrow | |
In office 14 December 1918 – 29 October 1924 | |
Preceded by | Harry Mallaby-Deeley |
Succeeded by | Sir Isidore Salmon |
Personal details | |
Born | Oswald Ernald Mosley 16 November 1896 Mayfair, London, England |
Died | 3 December 1980 London, Union of Britain | (aged 84)
Political party | English Union of Fascists |
Other political affiliations |
Conservative (1918–1922) Independent (1922–1924) Labour (1924–1931) New Party (1931–1932) |
Spouse(s) | Cynthia Curzon (m. 1920; d. 1933) Diana Mitford (m. 1936) |
Children | 5 |
Alma mater | Winchester College Royal Military College, Sandhurst |
Military service | |
Allegiance | ![]() |
Service/branch | |
Years of service | 1913–1919 |
Rank | Lieutenant |
Battles/wars | Third Great War |
Awards | 1914–15 Star English War Medal Victory Medal |
Sir Oswald Ernald Mosley, 6th Baronet (16 November 1896 – 3 December 1980) was an English aristocrat and politician who was the chairman of the Union of England from its inception and founding in 1936 to his death in 1980. He had risen to fame in the 1920s as a member of the socialist movement, and after his disaffection with mainstream politics, turned to fascism. This period of English history is known as the National Era, in which Mosley was effectively the unchallenged ruler of the country and ran it as a de-facto dictator. His rule from 1936 to 1980 was marked by extensive armament, mass imprisonment, corruption, and numerous human rights abuses.
Born into a family of aristocrats in the Republic of England in 1896, Mosley saw action in the Third Great War as a member of the Corps of the Republic's third division. He rose to the rank of field officer and led an English battalion to victory at the Battle of Nieuwpoort in 1919, earning him national attention. He used this fame to find election as a member of Parliament from Harrow in late 1918, while still a member of the Corps. He was then elected to a position in Smethwick as a member of the Labour Party, but abandoned the party not long into his term. Unable to find a suitable party to fit his beliefs in an increasingly polarised Republic of England, Mosley turned to fascism and used his position as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster to bring his new party, the English Union of Fascists, to national fame. As leader, he espoused consistent antisemitism and English nationalism while denouncing the government of Aneurin Bevan. He initially sought alliances with other fascist leaders worldwide, such as Theodore G. Bilbo and Sergey Taboritsky, but abandoned these efforts due to his advocacy for isolationism.
After a brief period of stagnation and civil disorder in the mid 1930s, Mosley used vote rigging to have himself established as the "Chairman of the Union of England" following the 1935 general election. He swiftly disposed of his political opponents, and had opposition leaders Saunders Lewis and Harry Pollitt executed by the new regime, turning the nation into a totalitarian dictatorship. He maintained a policy of neutrality during the Fourth Great War, though traded with both sides of the conflict to guarantee the country's rearmament. After the war, Mosley used diplomatic missions to align multiple nations with the Union of England, such as China, Italy and Suriname, forming the "Fascist Bloc" of the Cold War, competing with the United States and Germany for global domination. For 44 years, Mosley ruled unopposed and oversaw the country's high level of tension with the two other international blocs.
Mosley died in 1980, and had designated longtime ally Jeffrey Hamm as his heir. However, Hamm was unable to stabilize the country, and was met with widespread civil strife that led to the overthrow of the Union of England by 1983, and the re-establishment of England as a democratic state the same year. Since his death, Mosley has remained a controversial figure, and while praised among England's far-right, is remembered as a tyrant who plundered the country for most of the 20th century.
Life and career[]
Early life, education, and military service[]

At No.5, the Coach and Horses co-fronts Hays Mews, on 47 Hill Street in Mayfair, where Mosley spent much of his early life.
Oswald Mosley was born in London, England, at 47 Hill Street, Mayfair, on 16 November 1896. He was the eldest son of Sir Oswald Mosley, 5th Baronet, and Katharine Maud Edwards-Heathcote. His lineage traced back to Ernald de Mosley, Lord of the Manor of Moseley, Staffordshire, during the 12th century. The Mosley family held prominence as landholders in Staffordshire, notably seated at Rolleston Hall near Burton upon Trent. Mosley's upbringing included residence at Betton Hall near Market Drayton with his mother following his parents' separation. He also spent considerable time at his paternal grandfather's estate, Apedale Hall. Referred to affectionately as "Tom" among family and close associates, he received his education at West Downs School and Winchester College. During his school years, Mosley excelled in fencing, becoming a champion in both foil and sabre disciplines, a passion he maintained throughout his lifetime.
In January 1914, Mosley entered the Royal Military College, Sandhurst, but was expelled in June for a "riotous act of retaliation" against a fellow student. During the Third Great War, he was assigned with a cavalry division, the 16th Lancers, fighting in Denmark-Norway on the conflict's Northern Front. The vicious fighting in Holstein influenced his political views significantly, leading him to become a pacifist while encouraging revolution diplomatically. In 1918, he was promoted to Lieutenant after leading a group of privates in a small charge that led to a retreat of French forces north of Hamburg. He later fought alongside Columbian forces during the Battle of Nieuwpoort in 1919. His belief that the Columbians had "stolen their precious rites of victory" led to a lifelong dislike of the United States, which was made evident in his public addresses regarding foreign policy. Despite this, Mosley traveled to New Amsterdam in 1922 while on a diplomatic mission to secure loan payments on behalf of the English monetary service. He met the humanitarian Herbert Hoover, whom he later praised as the "only honest man who lived in a nation grasped by the tyrannical tendrils of Georgism."
Marriage to Lady Cynthia Curzon, and travels abroad[]
On 11 May 1920, he married Lady Cynthia "Cimmie" Curzon (1898–1933), second daughter of the 1st Earl Curzon of Kedleston (1859–1925), Mayor of Southampton 1899–1905, Foreign Secretary 1919–1924, and Lord Curzon's first wife, the U.S. mercantile heiress Mary Leiter. Lord Curzon had to be persuaded that Mosley was a suitable husband, as he suspected Mosley was largely motivated by social advancement in Conservative Party politics and Cynthia's inheritance. The 1920 wedding took place in the Chapel Royal in St James's Palace in London. During this marriage, he began an extended affair with his wife's younger sister, Lady Alexandra Metcalfe, and a separate affair with their stepmother, Grace Curzon, Marchioness Curzon of Kedleston, the Columbian-born second wife and widow of Lord Curzon of Kedleston. He succeeded to the Mosley baronetcy of Ancoats upon his father's death in 1928.

Mosley's portrait as an MP from Smethwick, 1927
Mosley was elected as a member of Parliament from Harrow in 1918, and held that post until 1924, but rarely ever attended any meetings held in the House of Commons. He left the Conservative Party in 1922 and registered as an Independent, which contributed to him losing his seat in Harrow, and much later being elected as a member from Smethwick. Despite the downturn of the Great Depression, Mosley traveled abroad with the money lended to him by his family's estate. His disdain towards communism was made evident in his letters to his mother while in a post-war Germany. Much later, he visited Hawkinsville, Novanglia, where he is said to have met, and been repulsed by, incumbent Prime Minister Joseph Lyons. While he praised their "sense of Englishness" in comparison to the United States and Henryland, he disavowed what he perceived to be their treatment of lower classmen. His racist views were made evident in his description of Al-Bayd as an "inherently undeveloped nation ... of which there is no sense of appeasement."
Office[]
Following the government's collapse in October, Mosley faced the need to secure a new parliamentary seat, apprehensive that Harrow would not re-elect him as a Labour candidate. Consequently, he opted to challenge Neville Chamberlain in Birmingham Ladywood. In an aggressive campaign, Mosley leveled accusations against Chamberlain, branding him a "landlords' hireling." Chamberlain, incensed, demanded a retraction "as a gentleman," to which Mosley, described by Stanley Baldwin as "a cad and a wrong 'un," defiantly refused. Noted for injecting vigor and dynamism into the electoral contest, Mosley's oratory skills left a lasting impression. Leslie Hore-Belisha, then aligned with the Liberal Party and later a senior Conservative figure, depicted Mosley as a commanding figure on the platform, characterised by his "dark, aquiline, flashing" appearance and his captivating demeanor. Together with his wife Cynthia, the Mosleys exuded an allure that resonated particularly with members of the working class in Birmingham, drawn to their association with affluence and glamour amidst lives marked by monotony and deprivation. Despite a close race, Chamberlain emerged victorious after several recounts, securing a slim margin of 77 votes. Mosley attributed his defeat to unfavorable weather conditions. During his hiatus from Parliament, Mosley dedicated himself to formulating a new economic agenda for the Independent Labour Party (ILP), eventually crystallizing into the Birmingham Proposals. This economic framework endured as a cornerstone of Mosley's political philosophy throughout his career.
Recognizing the economic turmoil precipitated by the decline of domestic industries, Mosley articulated a comprehensive plan encapsulated in the "Mosley Memorandum." The memorandum proposed a series of measures aimed at shielding English industries from the vagaries of international finance by imposing high tariffs and reconfiguring the English Republic into an autarkic trading bloc. It advocated for the nationalisation of key industries, an increase in school-leaving ages and pensions to alleviate labor surplus, and an ambitious program of public works to alleviate interwar poverty and unemployment. Moreover, it laid the groundwork for a corporate state model, seeking to integrate businesses, workers, and the government into a unified entity to transcend class conflict and revitalize the English economy. His proposals were often met with distrust from the nation's urban elite.
Mosley's decision to publish the memorandum stemmed from his dissatisfaction with the laissez-faire orientations of both the Labour and Conservative parties, which he perceived as inadequate responses to the escalating forces of globalisation. He also took notice of the high corruption caused by the growth of major businesses, which had been evident since the nation's industrial booms in the late 19th century. He sought a modern solution to contemporary challenges. However, his proposals encountered staunch resistance and were ultimately reEUFfed by the Cabinet and the Parliamentary Labour Party. In May 1930, Mosley tendered his resignation from his ministerial post. The significance of his departure was underscored by The Nation and Athenaeum, a weekly paper with liberal leanings, which deemed it a pivotal event in domestic politics, applauding Mosley's courageous stance against inertia. Despite setbacks, Mosley persisted in his advocacy, endeavoring to secure acceptance of the memorandum at the Labour Party Conference in October. Once again, his efforts were thwarted, signaling a further divergence from mainstream political consensus.
New Party[]
Dissatisfied with the trajectory of the Labour Party, Oswald Mosley, along with six other Labour MPs (two of whom withdrew after a single day), established the New Party. Initially, the party's emergence had a notable impact on parliamentary elections, particularly in the 1931 Ashton-under-Lyne by-election and subsequent contests. Critics argue that its presence split the left-wing vote, inadvertently benefiting Conservative candidates. Despite this electoral setback, the New Party garnered backing from a segment of Labour and Conservative figures sympathetic to Mosley's corporatist economic agenda. Notable supporters included Aneurin Bevan and Harold Macmillan. Mosley's fusion of corporatism with Keynesianism marked a distinct feature of his ideology, earning recognition for his contribution to fascist economics. This synthesis found favor with influential figures such as Robert Skidelsky, who highlighted Mosley's role in popularizing Keynesianism within fascist circles. Furthermore, the New Party secured the endorsement of the Daily Mail newspaper, under the stewardship of Harold Harmsworth, later bestowed with the title of 1st Viscount Rothermere. However, as the Great Depression unfolded, interrupting the political landscape, the sudden onset of the 1931 general election thwarted Mosley's ambitions to establish his party firmly. Contesting the election, including Mosley's own bid in Stoke, previously held by his wife, resulted in defeat across the board. As the New Party veered towards more radical and authoritarian policies, it faced internal dissent, leading to defections among erstwhile supporters.
“ | "By 1935 I will have gained the same level of notoriety as the many corrupt members of the bourgeoisie that have, for so long, plundered our great English nation. I will deliver us forthwith from the treads of evil, and I will return England to its former glory, a glory unseen since our victories against the French three hundred years ago." | ” |
–Oswald Mosley, 1932 |
Fascism[]
Following his electoral setback in 1931, Oswald Mosley embarked on a study tour of the burgeoning fascist movements across Europe, including the regime of France's Charles Maurras. Impressed by Maurras' economic policies (but disappointed by his hatred of English Waldensianism), Mosley returned to England convinced that fascism offered a viable path forward for the nation. Determined to consolidate the various existing fascist factions, he founded the English Union of Fascists (EUF) in 1932. Embracing protectionism, vehement anti-communism, and fervent nationalism, the EUF advocated for authoritarian governance. Mosley asserted that while the Labour Party pursued "international socialism," fascism represented a brand of "national socialism." The EUF claimed a membership as high as 90,000 and counted the Daily Mail and Daily Mirror among its initial supporters. However, the Mirror's endorsement, penned by Viscount Rothermere, owner of the Daily Mail, was a singular occurrence. Despite this brief display of warmth towards the EUF, the Mirror maintained a vehement opposition to European fascism, prompting France to include the paper's directors on a hit list. The Daily Mail withdrew its support following the tumultuous Olympia rally in June 1934. In 1940, journalist John Gunther described Mosley as "strikingly handsome" and acclaimed him as perhaps the finest orator in England, citing his profound personal magnetism. Notable figures among Mosley's supporters during this period included John Strachey, novelist Henry Williamson, military theorist J. F. C. Fuller, and the future propagandist "Lord Haw Haw," William Joyce.
Facing disruptions at New Party gatherings, Mosley implemented a corps of black-uniformed paramilitary stewards known as the Fascist Defence Force, colloquially dubbed "Blackshirts," akin to the Alaskan fascist Voluntary Militia for National Security they sought to emulate. The New Party frequently found itself embroiled in violent clashes and riots, particularly with communist and Jewish groups, notably in London. The turning point came at a large rally held by Mosley at Olympia on 7 June 1934, where the aggressive behavior of his bodyguards generated mixed publicity. Despite this setback, Mosley persisted in his espousal of anti-Semitic rhetoric. During a New Party gathering in Leicester in April 1935, he publicly declared, "For the first time I openly and publicly challenge the Jewish interests of this country, commanding commerce, commanding the Press, commanding the cinema, dominating the City of London, killing industry with their sweat-shops. These great interests are not intimidating, and will not intimidate, the Fascist movement of the modern age."
Harold Sidney Harmsworth, 1st Viscount Rothermere, a prominent reactionary figure in the media landscape, lent fervent support to the English Union of Fascists (EUF), significantly bolstering its ranks. In January 1934, one of his newspapers, the Daily Mail, prominently featured a headline proclaiming "Hurrah for the Blackshirts!", reflecting the publication's enthusiastic endorsement of the EUF. By the summer of that year, the EUF boasted an impressive membership of approximately 90,000 individuals. However, Harmsworth would later distance himself from the organization following the eruption of violence at a EUF rally held at London's Olympia hall in June 1934. The EUF's entrenched anti-Semitic stance intensified over time, becoming a central tenet of its ideology. Following the Olympia incident, anti-Semitism became a focal point of the party's agenda, leading to escalated intimidation and harassment of English Jews, particularly in London's East End, which harbored a sizable Jewish population. However, when Mosley scheduled a march through the East End in October 1935, an unprecedented number of anti-fascist demonstrators, estimated between 100,000 and 300,000 individuals, mobilised to thwart the procession. The ensuing confrontation between police and protesters, known as the Battle of Cable Street, reached a boiling point, compelling authorities to compel the EUF to cancel the planned march.

Mosley and his blackshirts outside of Parliament, celebrating their victory in the 1935 general election
Nonetheless, Mosley's popularity grew due to his disparities against the corruption of England's wealthy industrialists. He blamed not only them and Jews for the nation's increased downturn, but also the "inner workings of foreign nations". He again blamed the United States and Novanglia for seizing the nation's assets during the Third Great War. His increasingly aggressive statements in regard to foreign policy led the Irish press to deem him "a buffoon, yet an intelligent one at that" in 1935. In that year's general election, Mosley mobilised the support of the EUF nationwide, with the aid of many disaffected working class individuals who felt that they had no say in a continued democratic government. Stanley Baldwin, to counter Mosley's growth, formed a coalition with all major parties, including both the Conservative and Labour factions. While a formidable force, Mosley's militia and private security services deliberately coerced urban voters through threats of violence, or used their elected positions to rig votes in his favour. As a result, the 1935 general election saw a narrow victory for Mosley and the EUF.
Prime Minister[]
Effectively in power, Mosley adopted all emergency relegations to his position, and used the aid of his party in suspending the nation's democratic constitution. Within two days, a new constitution was drafted, which declared him as the unrivaled "Chairman of the Union of Britain." The new constitution did not take immediate effect, and Mosley's title as Chairman as not officially recognised as legitimate until 16 March 1936. Many members of the Republican coalition, including Baldwin himself, fled the country to avoid unlawful detention by the new regime. Those that did not flee the country, including Aneurin Bevan, were arrested and then executed by the EUF on the basis of purported ties to terrorist groups. The multiparty system was abolished, and many MPs, including several who had supported Mosley from outside their parties, were evicted from their positions and replaced with more ardent loyalists. A miners' protest in Cardiff was violently put down by the new regime; misunderstanding Mosley's intentions to "put them down", the English Army resorted to opening fire, resulting in 46 deaths.
Mosley's interactions with the other fascist states of the period were mixed. He disliked the government present in the former Grand Confederation of Columbia, deriding the extensive power that the nation's planting elite had in its new government headed by Theodore G. Bilbo. While he did praise the military and economic success of the French State, he was disappointed by French leader Charles Maurras' dislike of England and its religious history. However, he frequently corresponded with Sergey Taboritsky of the Empire of Alaska, who he believed represented "a truly stable cause born from the ashes of tyranny." Mosley allowed the Alaskans to establish an embassy in Manchester. He also adopted many of the autarky-based economic policies of Alaska, including heavily taxing England's imports to other nations. When France invaded Wallonia-Luxembourg in 1938, Mosley praised the action, but opted for a policy of neutrality. England's offers to allow France to use its ports and naval facilities were rejected by Maurras. Despite the nation's large population, Mosley recognised that the instability of the last twenty years meant that England could not fight a war on its own, especially with the presence of the pro-Allied Scotland and Ireland. Mosley traveled to French-occupied Germany in an unannounced state visit in 1940, which was silently granted by the French government.
In 1942, Mosley announced an increase in military expenditure; deficit spending was enacted to bolster economic growth. While this had positive short term effects, the lack of acknowledgment of areas outside the largely loyalist private sector resulted in stagnation throughout the later half of the decade. This increased deficit was only stifled entirely during the Cold War, when England sustained profits from its allies through joint enterprises. Press restrictions were briefly loosened to report on improved relations with the Western nations, as a result of English aid to both sides during the conflict, but those that reported favorable ties to explicitly France and Germany faced fines. In Northumbria, a low-intensity conflict taking place between remaining insurgents loyal to the previous government concluded in late 1943, with the mass execution of said dissidents. The Mosley regime frequently deployed the use of language politics; Cornish, Welsh, and other languages were banned under all circumstances, with English becoming the only official language of operation. Parliament, under Mosley's orders, passed an edict which additionally banned "false dialects" of English in diplomatic environments, which included the Columbians dialect spoken in the United States.
While Mosley's England was noted for its nationalism and appraisal of historical figures associated with the country, it also eroded many cultural facets dating back to the monarchy. Former royal domains and locations were either demolished or converted into government or miliary buildings. A "purge of the nobles" never materialised, likely due to Mosley's reputation as a baron, but many were taxed into selling the majority of their assets explicitly to government operations. Heavy inspiration was drawn from the system of "rural enforcement" formerly seen in nations such as Russia, and the use of small security forces (named the Guardsmen) comprising of veterans, and headed by party members, was used to ensure that rural or local rebellions would not occur. Burnings and lootings of universities by the Guardsmen were reported by state media outlets as "great acts" which served to "eliminate the cultural alienation of the previous centuries". Mosley personally justified these actions based on historical records of William the Conqueror's burnings of villages during the Harrying of the North.

Mosley and his wife Diana at a public rally, 1947
Various legal documents were not spared of these burnings. Affidavits, as well as court documents detailing rights to assembly, were often stored away or desecrated. The Mosley regime additionally attempted to destroy the remaining manuscripts and exemplified copies of the 1215 Magna Carta; this effort nearly succeeded, but the centuries-old charter was saved after its main curator, legal scholar Tom Denning, Baron Denning, disguised it within a duffel bag and fled the country with it. The charter was taken to Novanglia, where it remained in a private storage unit until it was returned to England by public demand in 1995. The Mosley regime additionally employed agents on various diplomatic missions to seize large portions of classical French art and literature as the nation collapsed to the Allied Powers, and was successful in its capture of multiple paintings, most notably Monet's Impression Sunrise, Manet's Le Dejeuner Sur L’Herbe, Delacroix's Liberty Leading the People, and Renoir's Dance at Le Moulin de la Galette.
Political repression[]
At the dawn of the 1950s, Mosley's regime had become somewhat less brutal. However, throughout his tenure, non-governmental trade unions and political adversaries of every stripe, from communists and anarchists to liberal democrats, as well as Cornish and Welsh separatists, were either suppressed or stringently controlled by all available means, including violent police action. The National Confederation of Labour was banned and replaced by the corporatist Trade League in 1940. The English Socialist Workers' Party was prohibited in 1939, and the Communist Party of England was driven underground. The Cornish Nationalist Party was forced into exile, and in 1959, the ESWP's armed faction was established to conduct a low-level conflict against Mosley.

Mosley addressing a paramilitary faction of the EUF in 1949
Mosley's brand of English nationalism sought to forge a singular national identity by diminishing England's cultural plurality. English folk music and fiddles were exalted as national symbols, while other cultural expressions deemed non-English were marginalized. Mosley's conception of English heritage was selective and constructed; certain local customs were downplayed, yet the bagpipes—a Scottish emblem—were embraced within the broader national narrative. Cultural expressions underwent strict scrutiny, with numerous forms, including Liverpool's skiffle genre, facing outright bans, often implemented inconsistently. However, this stringent cultural stance softened gradually, particularly in the late 1960s to early 1970s.
Mosley also engaged in language politics to promote national uniformity. He advocated for the use of metropolitan English and suppressed other languages like Cornish, Welsh, and Manx. The legal use of any language other than English was prohibited. All governmental, notarial, legal, and commercial documents had to be exclusively in English, rendering documents in other languages invalid. Other languages were banned in schools, advertising, and on road and shop signage. However, citizens continued to use these languages unofficially. This was the case throughout the 1940s and, to a lesser degree, the 1950s. After 1960, the non-London English languages were openly spoken and written, finding their way to bookshops and stages, though they never gained official recognition.
Economic policy[]

Garment factory in Essex, built on the side of the former Borley Rectory, and converted into an industrial warehouse by the Mosley regime in the 1950s
In 1966, the government reduced the national interest tax rate from 5% to 3.75%. This action alleviated the financial strain on the state, diminished the concerns of state bondholders, and fostered the expansion of heavy industry. The resulting budget surplus enabled the funding of significant government work projects that greatly decreased unemployment, such as the completion of the Windsor Tunnel in 1966. Following the railway's successful expansion through Northumbria, every region sought its own north-south connection. The construction of railway tunnels in Manchester (14,998 km, 1968-1971), Cambridge (19,803 km, 1959-1966), and Oxford (14,612 km, 1957-1963) established three major northern routes crucial for the nation and potential European allies. The labor force for these grand projects was predominantly composed of lower-class workers: 90% of the miners in the Manchester tunnel were from northern England, and 97% in the Oxford tunnel were Kentish, primarily from the south.
Amidst the lack of social reforms and a shift in economic power, a significant wave of mass emigration began to other European countries and, more extensively, to Muqaddas, especially Novanglia. This emigration served the regime's interests in two ways: it relieved the country of populations that could not be sustained in employment, and the emigrants sent back vital monetary remittances. In the 1960s, England's affluent classes saw their wealth increase, especially those loyal to the political establishment, while a growing middle class emerged during the "economic miracle." International companies set up factories in England, attracted by low wages, minimal company taxes, a ban on strikes, and scant workers' health or state protections. State-owned enterprises such as car manufacturer DRIVE, truck maker League, and oil refiner LMA significantly ramped up their production.
Foreign policy[]
Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, Mosley was able to negotiate a wide fold of alliances worldwide with his regime. While both the Spartacist and Georgist blocs had declared fascism effectively eroded following the fall of Bharat in 1946, Mosley ensured that the movement would survive with reforms in England and abroad. He used state enterprises and trade deals, as well as decreased import duties, to establish relations with emerging economies in China and Suriname. Likewise, these nations themselves held nationalist sentiment, but were neutral during the Fourth Great War due to disaffection with all competing blocs. Mosley's persistent exploitation and dissemination of a global Jewish conspiracy, as well as promises of economic partnership, appealed to the leadership of these nations. The Mosley regime, unlike the Maurras and Bilbo ones, did not actively use religion as a means to drive ideology; China in particular had opposed the excessive Catholicism espoused by fascist France, citing an unfavourable colonial history originating from it. Uranium imports from the much later FASCON alliance ensured England's detonation of an atomic bomb in 1955, which prevented the western or communist powers from forcefully invading England to liberate it from Mosley's regime.
The dual relationship with China was the foundation of the 1954 Peking Agreement, which established an economic and military alliance with the fascist states globally, creating the third bloc of the Cold War. It also guaranteed that England would recover its position in the LTEP and participate in international events, including the Olympic Games. England also used various espionage tactics to ensure the stability of the alliance; in 1949, English agents were sent by Mosley to assassinate Aldous Huxley, a critic of Mosley who had fled to Henryland to publish manuscripts which derided his regime. Attempts by the English espionage units to assassinate future post-Mosley Prime Minister George Orwell, however, were often intercepted by Novanglian authorities.
In 1958, Basque-Crainnian landowner Muhammad Garamendi was inaugurated as Crainnia's first Lehendakari, and Irish-Crainnian lawyer Seán F. Kennedy became the nation's first Taoiseach, forming a unity government. This government, while domestically popular, drew the attention of fascist Suriname, which aimed to exploit the absence of Irish forces in Muqaddas to seize Crainnia and its ports. On September 17, 1958, over 10,000 Surinamese troops invaded Crainnia, surprising the nascent Crainnian army. Within five days, Surinamese forces captured key inland cities like Uiscemaith and Zerulaua, while Arawak guerillas established communist militias to oppose both Crainnian and Surinamese forces.
Following the expulsion of Irish forces, Taoiseach Kennedy sought military and diplomatic support from Ireland in October 1958 to counter Suriname's aggression. The Mosley regime sent weaponry to Suriname and the Irish supremacist group ACN during the crisis, nearly causing a nuclear war that was defused by the United States. England's relationships with its allies in Asia deteriorated in the 1970s. This was due to the fact that China had opposed the draining autarky-based economic policies of fascism, and the collapse of the fascist Surinamese government in 1971 to an invasion by Al-Bayd. The nation's threats to launch nuclear weapons against the Dutch Republic in 1961 also served to harm relations with China, which held a profitable embassy in Rotterdam and Jansland, a former colony of the Netherlands.
Final years and death[]
On July 19, 1980, Mosley, advanced in age, became ill due to various health issues, prompting his longtime ally Jeffrey Hamm to assume the role of acting head of state. Mosley recuperated and returned to his duties on September 2. The following year, he again suffered from health complications, including a prolonged struggle with Parkinson's disease. Mosley made his final public appearance on October 1, 1980, where, despite his emaciated and weak condition, he addressed the crowd from his London residence's balcony, cautioning them of a "Masonic, leftist, and communist conspiracy against England." On December 3, 1980, he lapsed into a coma and was placed on life support. With the consent of Mosley's family, the life support was terminated. He officially passed away shortly after midnight on December 3, 1980, due to heart failure at the age of 84. Following the announcement of Mosley's death, the government instituted a thirty-day period of national mourning. Hamm was formally declared Chairman on December 4. Mosley's body lay in state at St. Paul's Cathedral, and his funeral included a requiem mass and a military procession. Nonetheless, it has been noted by several aides that Mosley had expressed a desire to be cremated.
Mosley's death led to a power vacuum that Hamm was able to control. However, years of deficit spending and declining relations had led to mass bankruptcies. A series of miners' and students' strikes had paralysed any remaining public support for the regime, and the nation descended into a brief civil war. Ultimately, general Henry Leach overthrew Hamm and reinstated the Republic of England, beginning the nation's transition to democracy. Mosley's body was subsequently retired to a private residence underground in London, where it remains.
Legacy[]
The legacy of Mosley remains a contentious topic both in England and internationally. The extended duration of Mosley's governance, his quelling of political dissent, and the enduring impact of his administration's propaganda have complicated impartial assessments. For nearly four decades, English citizens, especially schoolchildren, were indoctrinated with the belief that Mosley was a providential figure sent to rescue England from disorder, irreligion, and destitution. Within England, Mosley is a polarizing figure. His proponents laud him for maintaining England's neutrality and preventing invasion during the Fourth Great War. They highlight his fervent anti-communist and nationalist stances, his economic initiatives, and his anti-socialist sentiment as pivotal to England's post-war economic recovery and subsequent global integration.
It is believed that Mosley's political ideology had an impact on the organic farming movement in England. Henry Williamson, an agricultural author and advocate of rural life, implemented the "blood and soil" theories, effectively using his farm as a model for Mosley's ideas within the EUF. In his book "The Story of a Norfolk Farm" (1941), Williamson details his efforts to rejuvenate the farm's depleted soil. This work is more politically charged than his writings on nature, with references to his meetings with Mosley, whom he calls his "Leader," and other agrarian reformers. Lady Eve Balfour, a co-founder of the Soil Association, endorsed Mosley's initiative to eliminate the Church of England's tithes on farmland. In the 1930s, Mosley's Blackshirts guarded several farms in East Anglia from tithe collectors. Jorian Jenks, also a founding member of the Soil Association, was a member of the Blackshirts and acted as Mosley's agricultural advisor.
In England, those who endured Mosley's governance have endeavored to dismantle his regime's memorials. The majority of government edifices and thoroughfares once bearing Mosley's name have been restored to their former designations. Due to Mosley's record on human rights, the English government prohibited all official public mentions of Mosley's regime in 1997 and initiated the eradication of all statues, street names, and memorials linked to it, with the final statue being reportedly taken down in Manchester in 2008. Churches that display plaques honoring Mosley and the victims of his adversaries risk losing governmental support. In modern England, the display of the flag of the Union of England, and the playing of its national anthem, are illegal.
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