Alternative History

The Stephens Manifesto was a statement made by Confederate President Alexander H. Stephens to defend his signing of the Fair Compensation Act in 1882. The manifesto urges that all other political ideals are subservient to the government's duty to maintain the "natural order" of Confederate society. Originally intended to be used in the context of defending slavery, the manifesto has been used as justification for other acts that potentially go beyond the traditional limits of governmental power.

Photograph of Alexander H

President Alexander H. Stephens

Background[]

In 1882, a law called the Fair Compensation Act was passed by the Confederate Congress. This law would attach a fee to the act of emancipating one's slaves. It was designed to protect the institution of slavery nationwide and prevent it from dying out in any state, especially the border states which were at the time trending towards abolitionism.

Opponents of the bill said it conflicted with states' rights, overruling each state's ability to make its own decisions on whether to regulate slavery or not. President Stephens was a strongly professed defender of states' rights, but also a strong defender of slavery. He felt that the law would benefit the Confederacy and so decided to sign it.

In defending his decision, Stephens made the statement that would later be known as the Stephens Manifesto.

The Manifesto[]

Generally, what is considered to be the manifesto itself are these words from Stephens' broader statement:

"...the preservation of our natural society is higher than any political goal and is paramount over all other duties and constitutional mandates of our government."

Stephens' "natural society" was intended to refer to the preservation of slavery and white supremacy.

Ideological Application[]

The intended extent and meaning of the manifesto has been a subject of debate. Some take it to be applicable to all matters of governance, while others say it is limited to matters of race and slavery only.

In general, the manifesto has been taken to mean that the preservation of the natural order of society takes precedence over constitutional governance and political ideals which aim to limit the powers of government, such as states' rights. The manifesto asserts that the Confederacy's primary goal as a state is to maintain an orderly society structured according to various interpretations of how society is meant to be structured. Initially, the prevailing interpretation was that society was meant to be structured around slavery, with the Black race being subservient to the ruling white race. After the end of slavery in the Confederacy, the prevailing interpretation turned to the maintenance of white supremacy over all other races in the country. In modern times, the prevailing interpretation is that the natural order of society is one of the traditional family structure and Christian values.

In the context of Stephens' personal beliefs, the manifesto freed Stephens from strict adherence to states' rights and limited government in some matters. He had essentially declared that some ideals were so high and vital to the nation that there were few lengths he wouldn't go to in order to defend them. Legally, this argument is derived from the Confederate constitution's focus on slavery and the guidance of God. The manifesto asserts that the primary constitutional mandate of the president and government is to maintain the natural order, and all other mandates and limitations are secondary to this.

Taken beyond Stephens' original intent, the manifesto has also been used to justify extralegal and unconstitutional actions taken by presidents in defense of order and security. Most scholars agree that Stephens did not endorse brazenly overstepping the legal bounds of his office.

Historical Usage[]

The manifesto has been used in several notable instances far beyond Stephens' lifetime and the original circumstances under which it was issued.

Stephens died in office not long after the passage of the Fair Compensation Act. His passage of the act and usage of the manifesto stoked sectional conflict between the Confederate border states and the Deep South. The Confederate Party took control of government after his death and worked to reverse some of his more controversial policies. President Augustus Hill Garland addressed the sectional tensions by adhering to his Garland Doctrine, which essentially held that each state had the right to make its own policy in respect to slavery.

The Stephens Manifesto did not come back into the public eye until the inauguration of Benjamin Tillman as president. Tillman, the first Southern Party member elected president since Stephens himself, used the manifesto to justify even harsher crackdowns on emancipation. The party was swept out of office due to Tillman's divisive term, and the Southern Party would not come back to power until 1921.

Photograph of Huey Long

President Huey Long, the most notable practitioner of the manifesto after Stephens' death

In the 1930's, the manifesto started to see some usage by the White Cross League, a fascist movement that aimed to restore slavery among other radical goals. The fascists used it more in line with its original intention of defending white supremacy and slavery, saying they would go to any lengths to maintain Confederate society as it was "meant to be", dominated by whites. These lengths included the potential suspension of the constitution if necessary to "restore the natural order of society".

The manifesto's most famous modern usage actually came against the White Cross League. Huey Long ascended to the presidency in 1937 at a time when tensions with the fascists were higher than ever. The League hoped to take advantage of the disorder in government that came with the death of President Robinson. Long resolved to put them down by any means necessary and ordered the military to arrest their leaders immediately upon becoming president. This action was seen as extralegal and unconstitutional by some who criticized Long. The president defended himself in part by citing the manifesto, saying he had done what he was forced to do in order to maintain the order of society. To Long and his supporters, the ideology of the manifesto gave him the constitutional power to do what was necessary to protect the people and stave off societal collapse, whether caused by insurrection, widespread poverty and famine, war, or any other factor. President Long used the manifesto many times over his presidency to justify actions that weren't entirely within the powers of government.