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Yes. I did attempt to do a timeline about a successful and expansive UAR, but I gave up on it for one reason: It's unworkable (i.e., it's ASB).
The biggest flaw (IMO) with the UAR was that it wasn't so much an equal union between Egypt and Syria, rather it acted more like Egypt simply annexing Syria. All decisions were made in Cairo. Syrian politicans/governors had to reside in Cairo. This was all intended by Gamal Abdel Nasser (the founder of the UAR), so trying to have a POD where he changes things goes against his character.
Trying to change Nasser's potitions would be ASB (at least from what I've read). Hell, the leaders of the coup in Syria offered to Nasser to renegotiate the UAR so Syria would be more equal, and Nasser refused.
In order for the UAR to continue, you'd likely need Nasser to beef up his efforts in Syria to begin with (more allies and security to prevent a coup) or have him get involved militarily following the coup. This wouldn't make the UAR a federation or anything, but it would continue to exist. Perhaps the UAR could be decentralized in the post-Nasser era, which may give the Syrians (and any other members) more support in remaining.
As for how far the UAR could realistically expand. Along with Egypt and Syria, Iraq was effectively treating themselves as the "third state" following the end of their monarchy (hense their old flag). North Yemen was also close. Sudan also had interest in joining later pan-Arab federation projects, so they should be easy enough. I believe that's as far as you can go. Libya is a wild card, but I believe Gaddafi would rather rule his own pan-Arab state than join the UAR.
RE: Questions on Brazil
Hello FS! Regarding the two questions:
1) They had a few similarities on their objectives: Both movements wanted to prevent the emergency of the oligarchic power (that is, most of the First Brazilian Republic). Both movements wanted the destitution of Floriano Peixoto, new elections, and the Maragatos (the Federalists) wanted a larger autonomy to the states, while the other rebel forces wanted equal rights between the Navy and the Army. If the movements defeat the loyalist forces, then perhaps Custódio de Melo would be the next President.
2) This one's a bit trickier, but that would probably happen if 1) the Communist Party had not been banned (as it was in 1947), and if 2) Vargas simply decided not to run for or influence the Brazilian political scenario, probably. The PCB before the ban was a very strong party, and it continued to be so throughout the 1950s. For an instance, the three most voted representatives for the Federal District (a.k.a. the city of Rio de Janeiro, at the time) in 1947 were communists. But still, you can approach the pro-Vargas Labour Party, who was the largest legalized left-wing party at the time, even though they rejected the socialist label.
- Yeah, but just not by that, the Governor of Rio Grande do Sul Júlio de Castilhos was aligned with the Federal government in the Federalist Revolution, and his policies (Castilhismo) were very influential on Vargas too, as he was from the same state.
On This Day
Honestly, if you feel that On This Day would be improved by adding a Cherry Plum event to a template, feel free. I do think that one event per day is just better for the main page, but you're more than welcome to replace one with Cherry Plum. Alternative History:On This Day/Templates has guidelines at the top that explain my thoughts in choosing events, and how to make changes. False Dmitri (talk) 17:34, 21 May 2021 (UTC)
Sorry for annoying you for a while but here's the PM of VN from 1945 until now:
- Nguyen Phuc Vinh San (1945-47) - Independent
- Ngo Dinh Diem (1948-50, 1955-59, 1960-63) - Nationalist
- Ho Huu Tuong (1950-55) - Socialist
- Duong Bach Mai (1963-73) - Socialist (later United Socialists, a merger of Socialist and Kirovist-Bukharinist Communist Party)
- Nguyen Van Thieu (1973-75) - Military (as Chairman of the Military Council)
- Cao Van Vien (1975-86) - Military (as Chairman of the Military Council)
- Duong Van Minh (1986-91) - Military, later Nationalist Party
- Transitional Council (led by 6 to 7 men: GEN Giap, GEN Dung, Nguyen Van Linh, Vo Van Kiet, Nguyen Van An, Nguyen Ba Can and Vu Van Mau) (1991-94)
- Nguyen Van An (1994-2004) - Democratic Assembly
- Nguyen Tan Dung (2004 - 2011) - Nationalist
- (acting) Ho Duc Viet (2011-14) - National Democratic
- Nguyen Phu Trong (2014-19) - Democratic Assembly/Socialist
- Vu Duc Dam (2019 - present) - Democratic Assembly
In addition to Nguyen Dinh Tu, I also want to talk about Nguyen Khoa Diem (Nguyễn Khoa Điềm) (1943-). Now, he was known more as a popular poet, but I think his political career is one should be also concentrate. The political career was closely connected to his literary career, too. He was a member of the VIII and IX Central Committee and a Politburo member of the IX Congress. Now in 2000, he was the Secretary of the Vietnam Writers' Association, which absolutely must be a CC member. Also at the same time he was Minister of Culture and Information (responsible for censorship of literature and press, but during his time, there was a scale of liberalization, although not as big as the 90's). Later he became Secretary of Ideology and Culture of the CC in 2001, coincide with the time with reformist politicians like Phan Van Khai, Nguyen Van An. He retired in 2006.
Now, I think he's a reformer, a liberalizer in some perspectives and in YTL, he could be a center-left activists, and an advocate for moderate liberalization. - XYZ
Now, since you are not in the discord now, so I will send some notes here:
- About the Vietnamese society, I could say like this. Regards to the behavior of the majority of Vietnamese people in social media, I could say it is pretty bad, and could be one of the most toxic ones (especially when the Vietnamese football team has a match). If you have seen AFC tweets or in Instagram or even Facebook (I know you quit SNS for a long time), you will see some of the most toxic comments (I've screenshotted a few for you in Discord) (maybe even with comments regards to personalities). The reason for this was the radical nationalism and fanaticism. Which led to number 2, nationalism. When ever there's an opportunity to show Vietnam's prestige in areas such as Asia or even the World, most of the Vietnamese people all unite for it (especially with some specific sports). However, in peacetime (or back to new normalcy), we can see a deep division in Vietnamese society. This is from my observation. (Also, you can ask Doubledguy, he's from Hai Phong, so he can give you more persective of a Vietnamese living in minor cities)
- For VCP, you can see that Trong became older and older, even his speaking became slower (which has been slow already). There are some alternatives for him. The first one is President Nguyen Xuan Phuc. He was a technocrat in economy and foreign policy, and somehow considered more friendly and honest than Trong, which made him more popular than the former. The second alternative is Pham Minh Chinh. If Nguyen Xuan Phuc is more liberal half, the Chinh could be a strongman who can ensure social stability (as proved when he was the Secretary of Quang Ninh province and his tenure as Deputy Minister of Public Security). Vuong Dinh Hue is a more plausible candidate (2 latest Gensek had been National Assembly speaker, which could made it a no.2 position sometimes). He was a moderate, who can get a consensus between the conservatives and the reformists. Another one is Vo Van Thuong, Second Secretary of the CC (Executive Secretary of the Secretariat). He was sharp-minded, and a pragmatist, somewhat like Gomulka. He was also young, that's an advantage.
Now, those are the notes regards to Vietnamese politics that I could give. Have a nice evening. - XYZ