West Panama (1983: Doomsday)

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The part of Panama west of the Canal Zone has not enjoyed a strong national government since before Panama City was destroyed in 1983. Although Colombia claims the entire region as part of "the District of West Panama", it has no actual control over anything but a few outposts. And though Colombia claims that the rest of the region is under the control of guerrilla groups and isolated camps, western Panama does in fact contain four or five organized regional or urban governments, besides a number of unaffiliated villages and an ever-shifting network of armed groups.

Background

A single nuclear weapon would perhaps not be enough to cause most states to disintegrate. Panama, however, was particularly vulnerable to an attack on its capital. Nearly half of Panama's population lived in Panama City or Colon, and the country's economy was almost totally built on the canal. The canal-based service sector (commerce and associated jobs) dominated the economy, playing a much larger role than agriculture and industry.

Therefore, a single nuclear attack was able to totally disrupt the functioning of the Republic of Panama. The capital was left in ruin and the canal was not serviceable. The Panamanian government had been fragile at the time of the attack; Noriega was in charge of the armed forces, but it was not clear who held real power in the government. The destruction of the capital and the canal overwhelmed the government's ability to cope with the situation.

Rural Panama immediately faced a massive humanitarian crisis as refugees left the canal region in both directions. Eastward, they confronted the imposing Darien jungles, where many soon died in the terrible conditions of the camps. To the west, Panama's agricultural land, refugees had slightly better chances. Nevertheless, troubles were numerous. The sheer number of displaced people was too much for the towns and villages of western Panama to accomodate. Many refugees kept moving, and where they stayed, they often pushed out the previous residents. The domino effect of displacement stretched to the Costa Rican border and beyond.

In this environment, power often fell to those with the most guns. Near the capital, groups of Americans fought Noriega's Panamanian Defense Forces for control of what was left of the country's center. Further west, heavily armed drug traffickers competed with military elements, creating pockets of territory for themselves. The to-and-fro of the fighting among these factions was complex and does not need to be recounted here. As violence gripped Panama, local civil authorities struggled to protect their citizens, whether by seeking outside help, making peace with powerful armed groups, or resisting them.

For a number of reasons, this situation has never stabilized. Strong government continues to elude western Panama. A few local statelets, however, have emerged as islands of stability despite all odds. Because of continued pressure from guerrillas and a lack of regional support, their existence remains in jeopardy. Panamanians have made numerous attempts to re-establish a national government, but to date none have succeeded.